United States Military Service
Morris P. Barker ASN 38372330
Morris P. Barker ASN 38372330
Date original document was written: unknown
Date AW converted original paper document into 4 digital documents: unknown
Date RW converted 4 digital documents into one Word document: March 4, 2013
Date RW performed level 1 editing on Word document: March 9, 2013
Date AW converted original paper document into 4 digital documents: unknown
Date RW converted 4 digital documents into one Word document: March 4, 2013
Date RW performed level 1 editing on Word document: March 9, 2013
Introduction
World War II for the United States began December 7, 1941 with the bombing of Pearl Harbor by the Japanese Imperial Military Government under the leadership of Admiral lsoroku Yamamoto (See Pearl Harbor insert). Germany, Italy and Japan planned with their efforts to rule the world. With the defeat of the Germans and the Italian forces in Europe by the United States and their allies, and with the defeat of Japan, the war ended August 18, 1945.
This is an account of my experiences while in the Armed Forces from March 17, 1943 until October 23, 1945. This account is written for members of my family, especially for my Grandchildren and their children who are too young (some unborn at the time of this writing) to comprehend the importance of World War II and the events leading up to the war. Winston Churchill, Prime Minister of Great Briton during the war years said, "A country that forgets its past has no future." It is hoped that this account will help us to remember our past and some of the information that is fast fading from our memory.
Chapter 1
The World Drifts Toward War
Although U.S. involvement in WW II only officially covered the period December 7, 1941 through August 18, 1945 the war actually began in September 1939 with the invasion of Poland by Germany leaving Poland defenseless in just two days. This action prompted other invasions of this type and became something to be reckoned with. Actually the years between WW I (1919) and WW II (1941) had a great impact on the beginning of WW II.
After WW I, the Treaty of Versailles between the U. S. and Germany imposed strict arms, military and boundary restrictions on Germany. This Treaty left Germany in desperate economic and military straits. Due to these restrictions, the official German government lay dormant for several years. However, in 1919 the Nazi party headed by Adolph Hitler, an Austrian, was formed and by 1931 had grown to 800,000 members, primarily military and very visible throughout the world.
In 1932 Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected President for the first of his four consecutive terms. This is significant since Roosevelt was Commander In Chief of all U.S. Armed Forces during the war years and it was through his leadership that we were successful in winning the war on two fronts–Europe and Pacific.
Also in 1932, Austrian born Hitler became a German citizen. After 1932, under his leadership, Germany became a predominate military force in the world. The Air Force, the stronghold of the military, under the direction of Herman Goring, a WW I German flying Ace, built the strongest air power in history up to that time. After the war, Goring was imprisoned as a war criminal and placed in prison in Nuremberg because of atrocities performed under his command to military and political prisoners. Goring was sentenced to die by hanging for these acts. He was obsessed with the fear of hanging and became friends with an American Officer supervisor at the prison and, on the day of his scheduled execution, the officer slipped Goring a cyanide capsule which he took to end his life.
In 1934, Winston Churchill warned Parliament of a German air threat which, in fact, almost destroyed London and other major cities in England in the late 30s and early 40s. This act brought us further to the realization and understanding for the need of our involvement in World War II.
In 1931, Mussolini, military leader of Italy and ally of Germany during the war, invades Ethiopia against the League of Nations Treaty with little or no sanctions. We begin to see that the rapid movement by stronger nations crossing the borders of the weaker countries could be detrimental to our security and this opened our eyes to the actions of the leaders who had aspirations of ruling the world.
In 1936, Chiang Kai-shek of China declares war on Japan. In 1937 Japanese pilots attacked and seized Peking, Tientsin, Shanghai, Nanking, and Hangchow China. At this time, the Japanese government insists that they are not waging war on China. Also, in 1937 a German air squadron destroys the cities of Guernica and Gijon in Spain to test their military aircraft when the Nazi Party becomes involved in Spain. In 1938, Hitler marches into Austria and begins massive attacks on Jews within Germany and Poland. In 1939, Germany broadens its borders by marching into Bohemia and Moravia (originally part of Austria, now Czechoslovakia). Roosevelt recognizes that the apparent actions of Hitler are directed toward ruling the world, and demands of Hitler and Mussolini that they not invade the 31 countries named by Roosevelt. When these demands were not met, Roosevelt asked congress for Monies ($552 million) to spend on defense of the U.S.
In 1939, Germany invades Poland and in 1940 Nazi bombers "blitz" London for several months, dropping 36,000 bombs on Britons' capitol. Germany also occupies Czechoslovakia and the Balkans. On December 7, 1941, Japan’s air force attack the U. S. Naval base at Pearl Harbor, killing 2000 Americans, virtually destroying the U.S. Naval Fleet and, at the same time, attacking U.S. airfields in the Philippines. After this attack, President Roosevelt made the following statement, "Yesterday, December 7, 1941, a date which will live in infamy-the United States of America was attacked by Naval and Air forces of the Empire of Japan." On this same day, Congress was asked by the President to declare war against Japan and on December 8, the U.S. entered World War II. Admiral Yamamoto, a Harvard educated Japanese Naval Commander and architect of the Pearl Harbor attack, uncertain about his actions on December 7, said, "I fear we wake a sleeping giant." The unconditional surrender of Japan at the end of the war on August 18, 1945 proved him right.
Chapter 2
United States Enters World War II
The surprise attack took place at 7:55 A.M. (Sunday) while Japanese negotiators were in Washington talking peace with U.S. officials. Damages were heavy. The USS Arizona was sunk with 1,100 men on board and is currently a National Museum with the 1,100 men still entombed within. Many aircraft and other ships were sunk. Some men were able to be rescued even with the ships turned on their side by cutting through the ships’ hull, however, some were trapped in air spaces who could not be rescued and lived for a considerable time before suffocation. In one instance, where a battleship was on its side and the men could not be rescued because the ammunition storage was located too near the trapped men, the men inside tapped on the hull for 18 days or until December 24 until all had died. Men required to work in the area where the ship was located reported that they had to cover their ears to try to keep from hearing the tapping, knowing the men were slowly dying.
On December 8, Germany declares war on the U. S. We were now in major conflict with two major powers. The U.S. entered the war as a fourth class military nation in production of military equipment including aircraft. Through the efforts of many U.S. citizens, we soon led the world in technology, production and dedicated servicemen. The one common denominator to every nation on every front during WW II was an air war, and the airplane was to become the universal symbol.
Many accounts have been written about military experiences of individuals throughout the various wars and many are similar. My experiences closely parallel that of other service men, especially air force personnel who flew combat missions and were taken prisoners of war. Other accounts similar to mine, can be found in 'THE SHOE LEATHER EXPRESS' by Joseph P. O’Donnell and 'BARBED WIRE BORDOM' by Charles G Janis. Also, 'SURVIVAL' by Alexander Gorasko. These authors were in the same prison camp that I was in and Gorasko was in the same room with me. Alex was not in my bomb group but was shot down on the same day (August 22, 1944) bombing the same target.
Chapter 3
From High School to the War Zone
I completed my high school work at Harrold High School in January 1943. My diploma was presented to my Mother May 23, 1943 at the next scheduled graduation since I had entered the service March 17, 1943. Due to illness of my Grand Mother, Annie Elizabeth Andrews, who died March 5, 1943, my entry into the service was moved back to the March 17 date. My Grand Mother would be the Great-Great Grandmother of Morgan, Michelle, Casey, Jacob, Jason, and Matthew (photo 1 is a picture of my Grandmother, Mother and me). My Grandmother, who helped raise me, lived in Electra, Texas where I was born January 6, 1925. Since my Mother had to work, my Mother and I lived with my Grandmother most of the time. After my Mother’s marriage to my Step Father, A. E. Rodgers (photo 2), when I was 10, we lived across the street, so I continued to live with my Grandmother until 1942 when we moved 15 miles southwest of Electra to Grayback (photo 3). We lived there until I entered the service at Camp Walters, Mineral Wells, Texas. Since we lived so far out of Electra on an oil lease, and transportation was scarce, my Mother and I stayed at our Pastor’s house the night before I was scheduled to leave for the service so I could catch the bus early the next morning. I was 18 at the tame. Almost everything was rationed during the war because of shortages such as gasoline, food, clothing etc. (see ration books).
I recall several boys from Electra entered the service and rode the same bus to Camp Walters as I did. During the first few days at Camp we were issued uniforms, took various tests, shots and received instructions about life in the service. We were also given a chance to choose a branch of the service we would like to enter. Some of the other boys from Electra decided that we should try to get into the paratroopers. We were given special physical exams since this branch required a considerable amount of physical training. As it turned out, it was found that I had flat feet and high blood pressure, so I was disqualified for that branch of the service. I was disappointed since most of my friends went on to the paratroopers. However looking back, I feel that I was fortunate since I subsequently got into the Army Air Corp.
I did qualify for a new Field Artillery unit being formed in North Carolina. Leaving Camp Walters, a group of us were shipped by troop train to Camp Butner, N. C. The camp that I was in was a small auxiliary camp to a larger camp built near Durham, N.C. in which new artillery units were formed in the 2nd Army. I was assigned to battery C, 270th Field Artillery Battalion. Most of the men in this unit were from Texas, Louisiana and a training Cadre from Missouri, Ohio, California, and New Jersey. I was assigned to the instrument group. We were responsible for field surveys and positioning the 4 – 105 mm howitzers in relationship to the target in order to assure effective, accurate firing and destruction of the target. After completing basic training, I was promoted to Private 1st Class.
Other members of the instrument section included S/S Louis Kawacha from Hamtramic Michigan, Jeff Stewart of Paris, Texas, John Panks III, Slidell Louisiana (Photo 4-7). Our Battery Commander was 1st Lt. Bernard H. Adams, Lt. Rothermall, Battery Exec. from La Jolla, Calif., 1st Sgt. Sahr of Ohio with Private Hall of Wichita Falls, Texas (photo 9). Me reading a book in my bunk (notice unfinished walls in temporary barracks (photo 10). Other picture of me showing off my PFC stripe and 2nd Army shoulder patch can be seen in photo 11.
While stationed at Camp Butner, we had several field exercises requiring camping around the Durham area where we would fire our large 105mm howitzers. On weekends passes, several friends and I would go to Oxford, Raleigh, and Durham. I completed my basic training at Camp Butner. On October 25, 1943, 1 applied for and was accepted into the Aviation Cadet Training Program (exhibit 1) which required me to leave the Field Artillery and many friends that I made in the 270th. In December 1943, I received orders to report to Miami Beach Florida for processing into pilot training. At about this time, my F.A. unit had completed training and had orders to report to Ft. Leonardwood, Missouri prior to being shipped overseas and into combat. This is the last contact I had with my old unit and my many friends. However, I did by chance see our Battery Commander's jeep driver who worked for El Paso Products Company of Odessa, and he told me the unit had shipped overseas and was involved in combat.
As it happened, the 270th left Camp Butner the same day that I had orders to report to Miami Beach. As I recall, I traveled by troop train from Durham to Miami and arrived there December 24, 1943. At that time, the Air Corp had taken over several hotels along the beach for housing personnel. I was assigned to the Royal Palm Hotel (photo 12 & 13) located on Collins Avenue. While there, we received lectures concerning pilot training and the Air Corp in general. We enjoyed the beach and meeting new servicemen while there. After several days in Miami we received a directive that the Aviation Cadet program had been postponed and we were being assigned to aerial gunnery school because of heavy losses of gunners in Europe in the 8th and the 15th Air Forces. I left Miami in January 1944 and, after several days on a troop train, arrived at Harlingen, Air Force Base in Harlingen, Texas. We went through all phases of gunnery training which prepared us as a bomber crew member responsible for protecting the crew and aircraft from enemy aircraft while on combat missions. I was in Class 44-12 in Gunnery School (photo 14).
My first ride ever in an airplane was in an AT-6Texan. This part of the training included firing at a tow target attached to another plane by a cable which was flying adjacent to my plane. I was standing up behind the pilot firing at the tow target with a 30-caliber machine gun. The tips of the ammunition were painted with various colors in order that our hits on the target could be verified. We had to hit the target a certain number of times in order to qualify on this part of our training. Other training included aircraft identification in order that could properly identify all aircraft used in combat so as to prevent shooting down one of our own escort aircraft. We also had training in care and use of our 45-cal. pistols, which we were issued and wore on combat missions. Other weeks training were dedicated to all phases of aerial gunnery-
After graduating from gunnery school and receiving my wings (photo 15) in April 1944, 1 was transferred to Fresno, California (Hammer Field) and was assigned to a B-24 crew that I would be training with during transition in preparation for combat. (Photo 17).
Members of my crew were from left to right, back row:
Bill Ramsdall - Pilot
Nick Battistelia - Co Pilot
Aubry C. Ross Navigator
Richard F Macey - Bombardier
Granston - Engineer
Mc Donald - Radio Operator
Morgan - Armorer Gunner
Morris Barker- Armorer Gunner
Spence Asst. Engineer (requested to be taken off flying status after I was shot down)
Jester -Asst. Radio Operator (missing from picture)
After several days at Hammer Field, our crew was given orders to report to Tonopah Army Air Base at Tonopah, Nevada in April 1944. The Air Base was located about 5 miles outside a small town of Tonopah north of Los Vegas. This base was a training base for B-24 crews just prior to being assigned to a combat group. Upon arrival, we were assigned living quarters by crews. We flew each day as a crew on cross-country flights, practice bombing missions, air-to-ground firing, tow target practice and night navigation missions over the western part of the United States. Our stay in Tonopah was enjoyable and we had the opportunity to do a lot of things as a group on base other than fly. We took a lot of target practice with our 45 pistols at the base target range. I also had an opportunity to visit with my cousin Toby Andrews, who was also in training on the same base. Toby and I were raised together in Electra, however, he moved to California with his parents just after the war started in 1941.
On practice bombing missions, part of my responsibility was to photograph the target area from high altitude to determine our accuracy and to qualify our crew. The pictures were taken with a large airforce camera approximately 18" by 18" with a lens 8" in diameter. In order to take the pictures, a door approx. 4' by 5' in the rear of the plane, bottom side, was required to be opened inward. I would sit on the leading edge of the opening with my feet on the trailing edge, holding the camera between my legs pointed downward toward the ground approximately 20 thousand feet below. Thinking back, this was very hazardous, since, in performing this operation, a parachute could not be worn easily and had the plane hit an air current just right, I could have fallen through the opening. However, at age 19, we usually did not think about these things. Since then, I have thought about this a lot causing nightmares on occasions.
I am shown in photo 19 on base in front of one of our aircraft hangers. I received a furlough in May 1944 to visit my parents and sister in Electra. I recall riding the bus from Tonopah to Electra and back.
After completing our transition training in Tonopah in July, 1944, our crew was transferred to Hamilton Field in San Francisco. Our purpose here was to get our overseas assignment, which we were not allowed to opened until airborne. We were issued a new B-24 aircraft which we flew to our combat base. After leaving San Francisco, our sealed orders were opened and we were ordered to Bangor, Maine and then on to Presque, Isle. This route alerted us that we were to be stationed in Europe. Just prior to leaving San Francisco, I developed an infection in my left leg. Our first stop was in Amarillo, Texas and, since I had a fever of 103 F, our pilot Bill Ramsdell thought it would be wise to check in with medics while the plane was being serviced. Due to the fever and size of the infection, I was hospitalized for 3 or 4 days.
Fortunately, my crew was given orders to remain in Amarillo until I was discharged and then to proceed on with our orders. My crew had many stories to tell me about their stay in Amarillo, which they enjoyed very much. While I was in the hospital, I informed my Mother and my Uncle Bob Andrews where I was and they visited me since Electra is only 200 miles east of Amarillo. I took my Mother through our B-24 and showed her my stations, nose and tail turrets, where I would be riding during missions and outlined my responsibilities as a gunner. After leaving Amarillo and proceeding on to Bangor and Presque Isle, our next stop was in St. Johns Newfoundland. St Johns is located at the southeast corner of the island. After 2 or 3 days in Newfoundland, we proceeded on to the Azores Island located approx. half way between the U. S. and Africa. The Azores is a small Island spotted with white houses randomly located across the island, with the air base being the major attraction. Our crew took the opportunity to scout out the area while there.
Our next stop was Tunis, North Africa. The air base where we landed in Tunis was at one time occupied by the Germans. I recall several German planes still at the base. One German plane had been shot down by an American pilot and the German plane had dove toward the hanger and about half of the plane was sticking out of the roof. At each stop our crew took advantage of looking over the area and towns around the air bases and visiting the NCO Clubs on Base.
Our final destination, the location of our base from where we flew our missions, was in Cerignola, Italy, a small town approximately 500 miles north from the tip of the heel of the boot (exhibit 2). Foggia, Italy, a larger city was located approx. 30 miles NW of Cerignola. Our crew went to Foggia on a few occasions and while there visited the USO center. Foggia, for the most part, was in ruins from bombings by the U.S. Air Force while stationed in Africa, prior to moving up to Italy. My crew arrived in Cerignola on August 10, 1944.
Chapter 4
I’m In the War – Five Bombing Missions
We were assigned to the 15th Air Force, 49th Wing, 451st Bomb Group, 726th Squadron. The 451st BG was made of 4 squadrons: 724th, 725th, 726th, and 727th. Major General R. L. Eaton, Commander of the 451st. BG stated, "The 451 BG is clearly the best Bomb Group in the 15th Air Force." Our airbase was a typical combat base with steel mat runways. We lived in tents, in groups, by squadrons. The NCO (non-commissioned officers) crew members lived together and the 4 officers had a separate tent. (Exhibit 2 A thru H) shows scenes throughout our base.) During the short time that I was with the 451st. BG, I flew 7 sorties which included 6 missions including the following:
1. 8-13-44 Arenzano, Italy. This mission lasted 6 hrs and 30 min. Arenzano is located in the northern part of Italy and our mission was German gun positions. One aircraft (B-24) was lost on this mission from the 726th sqdn.
2. 8-14-44 This mission included 27 aircraft from the 451st BG. Our mission was to bomb the beachhead at St. Tropez, France to support allied landings in southern France. Our planes dropped 81 tons of bombs on German positions near the coast in preparation for the landings in Southern France on 8-15-44. We were flying at 15,000 ft. on this mission and had a good view of the convoys of landing craft headed toward the coast. Naval ships were lined up in columns for miles loaded with troops scheduled to land on the beach the next day. This mission was 6hrs and 30min and no aircraft were lost.
3. 8-15-44 On this mission we returned to Southern France. However, on this mission we bombed inland with 56 tons of bombs. During take-off on the morning of 8/15/44 one plane (Cannon Fodder) crashed killing 3 crew members. After our convoy of troops had landed on 8-15-44, the Germans retreated rapidly and our mission was to bomb bridges and German communications in order to trap the German troops. This mission was very successful and was known as Operation Anvil. Our target was concentrated in the Frejus, France area (see p.89 The Fight'n 451). This mission lasted 6hrs 45min.
4. My 4th mission was flown to bomb the Alibunar Airdrome located in Alibunar, Yugoslavia on 8-18-44. This mission lasted 5hrs 30min and was very successful since many German aircraft were destroyed on the ground. We experienced heavy anti-aircraft fire on this mission. The flax was very thick and it appeared that we were flying right into it from the nose turret position, which I was flying on this mission. On this mission, we were near the target area on the bomb run and our bomb bay doors were open. From the nose position, I could look down through the bomb bay doors. As stated above, the flak was very heavy and bursting out in front of our plane at our elevation. I looked to my right from my turret and saw a B-24 sliding under our plane, from right to left. The plane's No. I engine was on fire and the fire was spreading across No. 2 engine and the cockpit area. Just as the plane slid under our plane, it blew up. We did not see any parachutes leaving the plane so we assumed all crew members were lost. Later on, while in prison, I saw a member of this crew who verified, in fact, that all members of his crew managed to escape. They landed near the target area that we were bombing, an airdrome. The local citizens were very angry since many of their family members were killed. We were carrying frag bombs on this mission designed to destroy aircraft and any personnel in the area. The crew members were required to dig graves for those killed near the base, including several children. They were beaten by local people and actually thought that they were digging their own graves.
It was my responsibility, as Armorer gunner, to remove all fuse tags to be sure that the bombs would explode on contact with the target. In order to do this, I would be required to wear a walk-around oxygen bottle attached to my parachute harness. This operation also required that I walk out on the cat walk in the bomb bay area. The walkway was approx 1 ft wide. With the planes trying to get into formation and moving around a lot, this was always a difficult task (p 91, 451 BG book). We also threw chaff out of the plane windows to foul enemy ground radar.
5. 8-20-44 This mission was to Szolnack and the Rakoczifala Airdrome in Hungary. As usual around Airdromes, flak was very heavy. No aircraft were lost on this mission which lasted 7 hrs. We were flying approx 23,000 ft. At this altitude, the temp. is around 40 to 50 degrees below zero. Since there was no heat in bombers during WW II, we relied on heavy leather fleece lined flying jackets, pants gloves and shoes. Loss of any one of these items could cause severe frostbite. However, at 40 to 50 deg. below zero, the high altitude missions are very uncomfortable, especially on a 7 to 8hr. mission. For some reason though, it seemed to warm up when you were being attacked by enemy fighters or experiencing anti-aircraft fire from the ground when you can see shells bursting right in front of you (see p47, and 52, The Fight'n 451st Bomb Group).
Chapter 5
My Last Bombing Mission – Shot Down by the Germans
6. 8-22-44 According to the Fight'n 451 Bomb Group History, p.35, the August 22 and 23, 1944 missions will always be remembered as the two worst days in the group’s history. Our group was attacked by 50 German fighters (ME 109's) on August 22, 1944, my last mission. In many instances, crew members from one crew will fly with another crew if they have lost members of their crew due to enemy action or have completed their missions. This was the situation on August 22. At 5:30 AM on 8/22, 1 heard my name being called outside our crew tent to report to the flight briefing room at 6:30 for a mission briefing. Briefing sessions are held before each mission to alert the crews of the mission location, enemy action to expect, length of mission, weather report, and navigation information. I was flying tail gunner position on this mission. Our target on this date was to bomb Lobau underground oil storage facilities near Vienna, Austria. The mission was to last 7hrs. 30min. At briefing, we were told that we should expect heavy fighter attacks and that there were 312 heavy anti-aircraft guns (88mm) in the area so to expect heavy flak concentrations in the target area.
After breakfast, we loaded our flying equipment into a truck and were transported to our aircraft on the flight line. We put on our flight suits, flak vests, heavy boots and gloves, steel flak helmets and took our stations in the aircraft prior to takeoff. At our base we had steel mat runways with a wide deep valley at the end of the runway. This wide valley saved a lot of planes from crashing on takeoff since the planes are sometimes difficult to get off the ground especially when loaded with 10,000 lbs. of bombs and a full crew (10 men). We made the takeoff OK and got into formation. As we climbed out over the Adriatic Sea, we entered our turrets and test fired our 50 Caliber machine guns into the water. All tested OK. As we continued to climb in formation and reached 10,000 ft. we put on our oxygen masks.
Realizing that we could be attacked at any time, we were very observant for any enemy activities. At about 10: 30AM, as we approached Lake Balaton just outside Budapest, Hungary, we were attacked by 50 German ME 109 fighter planes. The attack lasted for approx. 20 minutes. During this attack we lost 7 aircraft from the451st BG or 25%. There was one other member of my original crew flying on my plane that day, 2nd Lt. Richard F. Macey (see letters from Macey). Others on my plane included:
2nd Lt. Valerian E. Klein, Pilot KIA
2nd Lt. James S. Beckerman, CO Pilot
S/Sgt Robert E Morrow, Engineer KIA
S/Sgt Chauncey M. Friend, Ball Gunner
S/Sgt William B Holman, Nose Gunner
Sgt Earl B. Clark, Jr., Radio Operator KIA
Cpl Morris P. Barker, Tail Gunner
Cpl William J. G. Lewis, Waist Gunner
The Aircraft that we were flying on this mission was Serial No. 42-51300, Nickname: Wet Dream, (p 201 The Fight'n 451st BG).
We were looking for enemy fighters as we were approaching Lake Balaton, also near the small town of Papau, Hungary. The mission was going as planned. We had taken off at approx 7:OO AM everything was in order and everyone in their assigned place. After testing our guns, we joined the formation in the 726th. Sqdn. There were 4 formations of 7 aircraft each. The formations or squadrons fly in the approximate following pattern:
1
2 3
4
5 6
7
No. 1 Lead Plane
No.2-6 Regular formation
No. 7 Tail End Charley
On the August 22 mission we were flying No. 5 position. Old Taylor was flying No. 7. 1 could see Old Taylor at all times off to my left about 250ft. away. (see p34, The Fight'n 451). As the mission progressed, I was observing several P-38s in a dog fight with German FW-190's at 7 o'clock high. P38s were flying escort for us on this mission and were doing a good job until we were overpowered with so many ME- 109s. I looked down at 7o'clock level and saw 3 ME-109s approaching perpendicular from right to left just behind our sqdn. approx. 500 yds. out. I reported the enemy fighters to my crew and trained my guns on them. The 3 fighters turned in directly behind our sqdn No. 5 position. As they made their turn, I started firing point blank at the 3 fighters. Other gunners in our sqdn started firing also. The 3 ME-109s were also firing and were able to hit our No. 2 engine since they were coming in directly behind our plane. Two of the German planes were hit and destroyed. Our No.2 engine exploded causing a heavy black smoke trailing our plane. As the engine started burning, the flames were impinging on the left side of our plane burning off the metal exposing the ribs. The bombardier dropped the 10-1000 lb. bombs through the bomb bay doors to prevent them from exploding as fire spread throughout the entire plane. Flames were entering the waist area just ahead of my turret. The front end of the plane, around the pilot, navigator, and radio operator’s area was on fire catching the engineers parachute on fire which means that he could not bail out and of course was doomed to go down with the plane. The copilot was badly burned but was able to bail out before the plane exploded. As the pilot was making preparation to bail out, the engineer pointed out his situation, that he could not bail out, and the pilot returned to his seat and was apparently going to try to land the plane to try to save the engineer, but of course this was impossible. (see exhibit No. 5). The bombardier Macey and the nose gunner Holman (photo 2 1), bailed out the nose wheel opening (see original crew picture for Macey). Earl B. Clark (photo 22 ), who I had met only one week earlier, bailed out just ahead of me from the opening in the bottom of the plane. Earl died when his parachute failed to open. He either hit his head on the edge of the opening, when leaving the plane, and was unable to open his parachute, was shot by one of the German fighters, or delayed opening his parachute too long to prevent being seen from the ground and did not have time to pull his rip cord. I understand that Clark was buried after the war in a military cemetery in Belgium.
Chapter 6
My 6th Mission Ends 23,000 Feet Over Hungary
As pointed out above, as the 3 ME-109's approached our plane, two were hit and were burning as 2 of them pulled up and one pulled down under our plane. I could see our tracers hitting the fighters. When it was evident from the condition of our plane that we had to bail out, I left my unit, picked up my parachute which I kept just outside the turret, and snapped it on my harness. In haste, I noticed that I had put the parachute on, requiring the rip cord to be pulled from the left side. Not having bailed out before and not being familiar with the force required to open the parachute, I stood over the opening with fire in the area, and changed the parachute so it could be opened with my right hand. This has dealt me some problems over the years knowing if the plane had moved suddenly, I would have dropped the parachute through the opening which means that I would have gone down with the plane also. The bailout procedure through this opening was to squat down on the leading edge facing the rear of the plane, holding the parachute with both hands, and roll out. After I cleared the plane, I threw both hands up to position myself in the upright position before opening the parachute. We were flying at 23,000 ft. when we were hit. I opened my parachute immediately after jumping, and, when descending, I could see several fighters in the area and was concerned about being hit by one of them. However, most airmen observe the unwritten rule not to shoot at another enemy airman who had to bail out of a disabled plane. I saw our plane descending, on fire and explode before hitting the ground with 2 crew members still inside--Klein and Morrow. At the altitude we were flying, it took about 15 min. to reach the ground, so I was trying to pick a spot to land and to see what I was getting into when I did land. It is difficult to keep from swinging back and forth while descending, but it can be controlled by pulling on the shrouds. When hitting the ground, I hit hard and rolled forward to prevent injury.
The first crew member I saw after landing was William Lewis (exhibit No.4), waist gunner. He had hit his head on the trailing edge of the opening when jumping out and was bleeding badly from the wound. A Hungarian civilian was bouncing a bicycle up and down on his chest. I was fortunate in getting the bicycle episode stopped and bandaged his wound with a bandage from my first-aid kit attached to my parachute harness. Lewis was given further treatment in the small town of Papau. I also saw Earl Clark lying on the ground. When approaching him, I saw that his parachute had not opened, and only a small section of it was sticking out of its covering which I am sure bounced out when he hit the ground. The German guards would not let me examine Clark closely.
When I first landed, I landed on a small farm near the small town of Papau, Hungary, which was adjacent to the airfield where the ME-109s took off from that shot me down. I landed near two farmers and a small boy working near a haystack. When the civilian farmers saw me, they immediately helped me get my parachute off along with my heavy flying clothes and 45 cal. pistol. Since it was August, it felt good to have only my flying coveralls on. The farmers hid all of my other clothes in the hay stack. Since I could not talk to them, we were doing a lot of sign language. They seemed very friendly and eager to help me and, as it turned out, they saved my life. Looking back, I believe that the farmers were with the underground and would have possibly helped me to escape back to Italy. However, shortly after they had hid my clothes, several Hungarian civilians ranging in ages from 16 to 50 arrived on the scene and proved not to be very friendly at all. They all carried rifles and were very abusive. The German military, I found out, trains civilians to assist in capturing airman who have been shot down who then turn them over to the military. Since the civilians saw me floating down in my parachute they were looking for my equipment, especially my 45 pistol. After finding my equipment, without the aid of the farmers, they became very rough, kicking me to the ground and pointing the rifles at me. They showed me pictures of women and children, possibly family members that we had killed on previous bombing missions in the small town near the airfield. At that time, they hit me with their rifle butts and motioned for me to take off while pointing their rifles at me. Not being able to understand, the two farmers grabbed me and prevented me from leaving. Thinking about it later, I feel that if I had started to leave as ordered, they would have shot me for trying to escape. So, I feel that the farmers, by keeping me from leaving, saved my life.
I cannot blame the civilian group for being angry with me since so many of their family members had been killed in the past by Allied bombing raids. I am sure that I would have taken the same action had I been in their position.
Chapter 7
I Am a Prisoner of War
Shortly after I was being prevented from leaving by the two farmers, German military personnel arrived and took control of me and other crew members as POW's. We were placed in the back of a truck and transported to the small town of Papau, where I saw Lewis getting treatment for his head injury. He was lying on the ground with his head in a girl's lap and she was fanning him with a piece of paper. I also saw several other airmen from other planes being brought in from areas where they had landed by parachute.
Fourteen planes were lost on this mission from which the majority of surviving airmen were brought to this small town in Hungary.
The following statement, taken from The European Story, Packet No. 8, American Ex-Prisoners of War, p6, pretty well sums up our situation at this particular time. "When the unfortunate day came for the typical A.F. Kriegie-to-be (prisoner of war), he found himself in an aircraft disabled by fighters or flak, frantically checking his parachute harness. Never having made a practice jump did not hinder him for a moment, for there was something sinister about burning metal and feathered propellers. If he was over enemy territory he would most certainly be received by at least one armed German. Quite abruptly he became a prisoner of war."
After each mission, when planes are returning to the base, intelligence reports are gathered from the returning crewmen concerning the planes and airmen who were shot down on that particular mission. The following statement is from The Fight'n 451 Bomb Group, p-34. "The group was attacked by about 50 fighters near Lake Ablation and stayed with us for about 20 min. Wet Dream, (726th) ( my plane) was hit hard by the enemy planes and exploded killing three crewmen. " "There were a lot of empty bunks that night, and a lot of silent stares at the empty hardstands (aircraft parking areas) around the base."
The following eye-witness reports were taken from The National Archives in Maryland by Al Grashko (Al was also a POW and was in my room, Room 6, Barracks 8, Compound C, Stalag Luft IV, near the Baltic Sea in Northern Germany). (see exhibit No. 5).
2nd Lt. Roman J Whiting, intelligence officer 726 sqdn. gave the following intelligence report on "I, 2nd. Lt. Roman J. Whiting, 0-712715, was navigator in the No. 2 airplane of the No. 3 flight of our formation on 22 August 1944, on a bombing mission over the Lobau oil storage installations near Vienna, Austria. At approximately 1005 hours at 47 degrees 151 N, 17 degrees, 18'E, our formation was attacked by approximately (30) FW 190s of a light blue color. The enemy aircraft fired upon Lt. Valerian E. Klein, flying No. 6 position our flight in aircraft No. 42 - 51300 "Wet Dream". His No. 2 engine began to burn and he flew off to the left a mile and a half from our formation. I saw an explosion and two parachutes blossomed out, then there was another explosion, and 2 more parachutes came out. There was still another large explosion and the tail section separated from the rest of the airplane, simultaneously I saw four more parachutes. Then the airplane went fluttering down without a tail section and in flames, a complete torch. The weather was about three-tenths covered with scattered cumulus clouds at this time." (see exhibit No. 6).
This is a Statement of Circumstances written by Albert L. Roemer 1st Lt. Intelligence Officer 726 Sqdn.
"On 22 August 1944, 2nd Lt. Valerian E. Klein, 0-819407, was pilot of a B-24 type aircraft, AAF Serial No. 42-51300, Wet Dream, on a bombing mission over the Lobau oil storage installations located at Vienna, Austria. At approximately 1005 hours at 47 degrees 15'N, 17 degrees 18'E in Hungary, enemy fighters attacked his formation and severely damaged his airplane. The airplane pulled off the left of the formation and four distinct explosions were seen before the airplane went down totally destroyed. Approximately 8 or 9 parachutes were seen. In view of the fact that there were 9 men aboard the aircraft, there is reason to believe that several, if not all of, the crew-members landed in enemy occupied territory. It is the opinion of the undersigned, based upon interrogation, that there is a possibility that all members of this crew are either prisoners of war or evaders." (Note: 3 of the 9 crew members were killed). (see exhibit No. 6).
Individual Casualty Questionnaires from other crew members can be reviewed as exhibit No. 7.
My Mother was not notified by the War Department that I was missing in action until September 4th, 1944, when she received the following Western Union message from the Secretary of War.
"The Secretary of War desires me to express his deep regret that your son Corporal Morris P. Barker has been reported missing in action since twenty two August over Hungary. If further details or other information are received you will be promptly notified. Signed, J.A. Ulio, The Adjutant General (This and other Telegrams can be reviewed in this report.)
While other airmen were being captured in and around Papau and brought into the area, and in order to maintain control of all captured personnel, we were placed in small buildings around the area with a German Guard standing outside the door. We were beginning to realize that we had lost our freedom which was a big change in such a short time for a 19-year-old. I was placed in a shed with a 2nd Lt who seemed very anxious about what was going to happen to us next. I was very tired and also anxious and tried to rest, but getting rest when expecting someone to knock on the door at any minute for the next sequence as a new POW was impossible. At this point, we were given some black bread and water. I was able to see my bombardier, Lt. Richard F. Macey for a short time at the Papau collection point before departing for Budapest. Lt. Macey told me to tell the Germans during interrogation that I was a Staff Sergeant in order to get all the privileges of a non-commissioned officer while in prison camp, which I did. The next time I saw Lt. Macey was in Miami Beach, Florida, after being liberated and returned to the states. I appreciate the authority he gave me to make the rank change. After all the uncertainties of the first day as a POW, and after jumping out of a burning plane knowing 3 of your crew members had been killed by enemy fire, I think we all held up well.
After being still shaky from this most recent experience, we were transported by train the afternoon of 8/22/44 from Papau to Budapest, which was the nearest military installation, for questioning. Papau is located approx. 75 miles WSW from Budapest. We were marched to the train station by German Guards carrying machine guns and rifles. We were ordered to enter the railway car and were ordered to sit on one side of the car. The guards sat across the aisle with their weapons. The trip from Papau to Budapest was very depressing since realizing that just a few hours earlier we were in the safety of our own base and tents and now were riding across an unfamiliar area, which was very dark, since we left late in the afternoon and were on the way to our first prison.
Chapter 8
My First Prison – Budapest, Hungary
There were very few lights that could be seen since these areas are in a blackout state to prevent bombing from allied aircraft. We arrived in Budapest the next morning (August 23, 1944) at the East Station which is the main station in Budapest. (Photo No.23 shows the station as it was in 1944 and as it is still today). Mary and I have been privileged to visit Budapest on two occasions during the past few years and took a train out of the station on both occasions.
After arriving at the station, we were loaded into the back-end of trucks with guards riding with us. As we drove through the city crossing the Danube River on the bridge shown in Photo No. 24, we observed Budapest to be in a very depressed state after several years of German occupation. Very few people were on the streets, other than armed German Military personnel. Building windows were boarded up due to damage from allied bombings, with bricks and debris scattered throughout the area. Today, Budapest is a very beautiful city in contrast to what we saw in 1944. In 1982 and 1987, Mary and I covered the city extensively and found it to be one of the most beautiful places in Europe (Photo No. 24 shows part of the city).
After crossing the bridge, we traveled several miles in the truck through narrow streets and finally arrived at a prison surrounded by thick high walls and with heavy steel gates guarding the entrance. As the gates were opened, we entered into a strange environment of total confinement. It was a very old prison with a hanging gallows located in the courtyard in front of the main building. There were three other buildings inside the prison walls from which we heard screams several times during the day and night. We were later told that these buildings housed Jewish women awaiting transfer to camps such as Auschwitz near Krakow, Poland or to Dacau near Munich, Germany. Subsequently, the old prison was destroyed and a new one built on the same location as shown in Photo. No25. After several inquiries of older citizens in Budapest who remembered the old prison, we were able to get a taxi driver to take Mary and I out to the new site in 1982. 1 was hoping the old prison still stood and that we could visit inside to see the cell in which I spent some time.
On August 23 as we entered the prison, we walked up 2 or 3 steps into the main building into a hallway approx. 25 ft. wide and 100 ft. long. Just above this area there was a balcony surrounding the hallway lined with several armed German guards. There were about 50 POWs. We were told to raise our arms at which time we were searched. Watches, rings, billfolds, and other valuables were taken. I was fortunate that I was able to conceal my High School ring which I later traded for food with one of the guards. I was somewhat concerned about this later since punishment in the form of prolonged solitary confinement could have resulted. After we were stripped of valuables, we were each placed in a small cell that first night and remained in solitary confinement for 2 or 3 days. This action was to make us more vulnerable for interrogation. The cell was small with a small window covered with bars located in the steel door about head high. A straw-filled mattress was on the floor and there were no lights. Nothing but loneliness when the cell block doors were closed. However, this lasted only a short time.
Each morning, the guards would pass ersatz coffee and a small loaf of bread to last the day. In the evening, we received the second and last meal for the day, a bowl of soup. We heard sirens each night but experienced no bombing of the city by our planes.
We were taken out of our cell one at time, up to the second floor of the prison for interrogation. Interrogation was handled by a German Luftwaffe officer seated behind a small desk. This officer spoke excellent English, offered me a cigarette, and had brought out a bowl of red beans and a piece of bread which was very good. As I ate the food, he would ask me questions about my Bomb Group, what mission we were on, and what type bombs we were carrying. However, we were only permitted to give our name, rank, and serial number. Their intelligence group had already given the officer the answers to all his questions, I am sure, since he did not press for answers. After interrogation, I was taken to a larger cell which contained approx 10 other prisoners. This is where I met Joseph Greskamp of Indianapolis, Indiana among other prisoners who had been shot down on August 22 or 23. Joe had been shot down on his 50th and last mission. Joe was not in my BG but we became good friends and were together in prison and on the so-called Death March for 9 months. Joe was in the 2nd BG, 96th Sqdn. also near Foggia. I have seen Joe on two occasions since prison camp; once at Miami Beach in 1945 while we were on furlough and I saw both Joe and his wife Mary Ellen, as I was coming through Indianapolis from Akron on a business trip in the 1970s. Joe married in August 1945, and celebrated his 50th wedding anniversary on August 13, 1995.
After interrogation and being in the larger cell for two or three days, we were allowed to spend a short time out in the prison yard each day. I can recall how good the sunshine felt each time we were allowed to go out. It was on one of these outside trips that a group of us were told by a guard that Hitler had ordered all American Airmen killed. This of course, added to our fear that we may never again be free, but, fortunately, did not occur.On another occasion when we were outside, a civilian worker in the prison talked to some of us about trying to escape, join the underground, and try to get back to Italy. After giving this some thought, we were of the opinion that this would be too risky and the Hungarian Partisans who would be attempting to get us back would be taking a big risk also. The distance, and the mountain range in Yugoslavia we would be required to cross, made this possibility remote in our minds. We had also been told that if an operation of this type put the Partisans in any jeopardy, slowing them down or possibly causing them to be caught by the Germans, that the American would be killed in order to protect themselves. This was another barrier that influenced our decision.
After we had been in the Hungarian Prison for several days, we were told that we would be going to a POW camp in northern Germany on the Baltic.
Chapter 9
Journey to My Second Prison
We were taken from the prison by truck to a large warehouse manned by Luftwaffe intelligence. This was in a more populated area of Budapest. After arriving at the warehouse, we were met by a woman approx. 30 years of age. She was responsible for returning envelopes containing our personal property that was taken from us at the prison. The woman spoke good English and said she was from Houston, Texas, and was in Germany when the war started and was not allowed to leave.
We were then taken back across the Danube River to the railway station by truck and guarded by 3 Luftwaffe pilots who were on rest leave and were escorting POWs. After arriving at the RR yard, we waited several hours before being loaded on a small 40-8 boxcar. There were about 10 or 15 in each car, with prisoners in one end and guards in the other. We had straw to sleep on for the trip, which, if I remember correctly, took about 1O to 12 days to make from Budapest to the Baltic. It was interesting to see how they handled switching of the RR cars in Europe. The tracks are narrow gauge and the switchmen would place a V shaped piece of metal on the tracks that fit over the rail where he wanted the car to stop. If the cars were coming to fast, the steel V shaped apparatus would slide until it used up all the momentum.
We were glad to be leaving Budapest and the Luftwaffe pilots were more relaxed with us than some of the other guards that we had had. Shortly, we were outside Budapest sitting on straw in the doorway of the RR car, watching the countryside go by. As we entered Czechoslovakia, we noticed large areas of manufacturing plants along the tracks which I am sure were manufacturing military machinery. As soon as it turned dark, we tried to get some sleep on the straw, however, the movement of the train and knowing that we were subject to being strafed or bombed by our own planes did not allow much sleep.
The trip was uneventful until we reached Vienna, Austria. We saw evidence of bombing in and around Vienna near the tracks where boxcars had been burned and tracks torn up and repaired. RR yards are frequent targets of the air force, so we were concerned about being bombed since it is difficult to know just where POW's are all of the time. When we arrived in Vienna, our train was pulled off the main line onto a sidetrack. The guards left the boxcar and locked it. The marshaling was adjacent to a park or amusement center that had been closed because of the bombing and other war activities. We could look out the small opening at the end of the boxcars and see a large Ferris wheel that had been bombed and part of the top section of the wheel had been damaged We later learned that this was the world’s largest Ferris wheel. Instead of seats, the wheel had what appeared to be large rooms where people rode holding 25 to 30 people each. The Ferris wheel which stands today, 50 years later, contains l4 of the large rooms (see photo 26). Mary and I saw the wheel on a return trip to Vienna in 1987. Also, as we sat on the RR siding, we could see the steeple of St. Stephens Cathedral, which appeared to be in the center of the city. In 1944 the cathedral was bombed by allied bombing and almost destroyed. The roof was completely destroyed and had fallen to the floor. Photo 26-A shows the Cathedral as it appeared from our hotel window in 1981, after being rebuilt. We remained in our boxcar all day in Vienna. Later in the day, we were moved to another track making up a train that would take us north. We were given some bread and ersatz coffee. The boxcar door was left open so we were able to observe workers switching cars in their primitive way and tried to talk to some of them. The railway yard was very active moving German military supplies. Later that day we departed Vienna with only one guard. The guard was an older man who spoke good English and told us that he was a graduate of the University of Wisconsin. He had returned to Germany after graduation and was required to serve in the German army. As we traveled out of Vienna, north, through small towns we could see evidence of our bombing raids. Bomb craters, bombed marshaling yards and other railway equipment that had been damaged.
After leaving Austria, we entered Moravia, which is now part of Czechoslovakia. We also skirted Bohemia on the east, which is also part of Czechoslovakia in which Prague the capital of Czech. is located. Crews were repairing damage all along our route. The closer we got to the Baltic the colder it got at night. However, with the straw and blankets we made it ok. Our travel north took us through Brunn (Brno) Moravia. The second day out of Austria we arrived at Breslau Germany approx. 200 miles due north of Wien (Vienna). After a short stay in Breslau we headed north again and found it difficult to sleep with the boxcar swaying and an occasional wailing of the trains steam whistle realizing that we were getting further from familiar surroundings.
It was difficult to think what the next day would bring; riding along on this train-we could be strafed by our own fighter planes, not knowing that we were inside the unmarked cars. Or the out of date trains and poorly maintained tracks could result in disaster.
The next leg of the trip toward our POW camp from Breslau took us across the western tip of Poland. The next major city that we went through was Poznan (Posen), Poland, 140 miles due east of Berlin. Posen was an industrial and mining center. As we left Posen and headed northwest back into Germany the area more depressing with the RR tracks lined with tall pine trees as the train moved through the small towns of Pomerania located in east Prussia in the northeastern part of Germany. This area is currently under the rule of Poland (1946). Because of our travels in a northerly direction, even the days were becoming colder, a hint for what we were in for during the winter of 1944-45 on the Baltic. On one occasion, our car was uncoupled from the train and left standing on the main track while the rest of the train went on. This was during the night and when daylight came the car door was opened. Everyone was removed from the boxcar and told to push the car off the main track onto a siding. After a short time we proceeded on toward our destination.
We were now 100 miles from our final destination where we would spend the next 6 months.
Chapter 10
My Second Prison – Keifheidi, Germany
We arrived at Keifheidi, Germany at a small station located inland approx 25 miles south of the Baltic Sea. When the boxcar doors were opened shortly after daybreak we were told to unload by a Luftwaffe Officer who informed us that he would be escorting us to Stalag-Luft 4 (Airmen's Camp No 4). Stalag-Luft 4 was actually located at Grosstychow a short distance from Keifheidi. After getting into formation, we marched to our prison camp about one mile away. The date was September 4, 1944. At this point we had been prisoners for 14 days. The camp received its first prisoners in April 1944, but was never completed although 10,000 prisoners were imprisoned there. The camp was constructed in a forest clearing about one mile square, and was divided into 4 separate areas identified as A, B, C, and D Lagers. The camp was surrounded by heavy foliage and pine trees which was a natural barrier preventing escape. Two 10ft. high barbed wire fences, approx 50 ft. apart, with barbed wire rolled up between them, surrounded the camp. Fifty feet inside the two 10ft. high fences was a warning rail 2ft. high. We were warned that anyone stepping inside the 2ft high rail would be shot by the guards from one of the guard towers around the fence perimeter. The guards were equipped with machine guns and powerful spotlights.
Each camp had a Vor Lager, or area for office work and processing new prisoners, a small hospital, and a delousing area which we were never allowed to use. Each Lager had 10 barracks which included a wash room and a latrine at the end of each barracks. There was no running water in any barracks. Some of the barracks had wooden slat 3-deck beds for straw mattresses, however, our room did not have beds until approx. 2 weeks before we left the camp, on February 6, 1944 on a forced march that lasted 3 months. Each room had a coal stove, a table and bench. Each room was approx. 16ft by 16ft and was designed for 16 prisoners. However, most rooms including ours had 24 men, (see exhibit No.8). Heat was furnished for each room by a coal burning stove.
As we entered the camp for the first time, we were stripped of our clothes and searched at the camp Vor Lager. We were photographed, fingerprinted and given our POW number. My number was 7584. After these formalities, we were marched down the center of the camp to B Lager which was at the end of the camp on the left. POWs who had arrived before we arrived were anxious to see if they could recognize a crew member or friend and were trying to get any war information which would indicate that the war was coming to an end -- but no such luck.
In German, POW's were called "Kriegies" or "Kriegsgefangen" which means prisoners of war. So, the arrival of a new bunch of Kriegies was exciting for the older prisoners as far as news was concerned. As we entered B Lager we were told that all barracks were full so we were placed in small wooden huts we called dog huts that were located between the regular barracks. Each hut was 8ft by 16ft and just high enough to stand up in. Ten men were assigned to each hut, which left very little space to sleep. We were given an armload of straw and we had one blanket each. So we placed the straw on the floor and covered it with a blanket, leaving us with our partner's blanket to cover with. The hut doors were locked at night and the German guards turned dogs loose in the Lager at night creating many bathroom problems with only one tin can in the corner. We were only to be in B Lager until C Lager was completed and then we would move across the road to the new Barracks. All Lagers were the same, 10 barracks, 5 on each side.
My combine partner, Joe Greskamp, and I managed to stay together in the hut and would divide any food we were able to get. We were permitted to walk around the perimeter of the compound inside the warning rail, fully in sight of the guard in the towers. Our food did not vary much. For breakfast we had ersatz coffee. We also were issued black bread coated with saw dust, to prevent the loaves from sticking together while being baked. At noon we had boiled potatoes (2-3 each) and at night a cup of stew made of potatoes, kohlrabi beets and occasionally a piece of meat. Each barracks or hut was required to peel potatoes each day for the day's meal. We had 2 roll calls each day, one in the morning and one about 5:00 PM (see roll call picture). We would line up in long rows, 5 deep and the guards would count us to determine if anyone had escaped. Those who were late for roll call always got a rifle butt up beside the head by one of the guards. Fortunately I was always on time. However many were hit who were slow because of illness usually malaria which was very common for prisoners out of Italy. Allied Airforces, through intelligence reports, had a pretty good idea where all POW camps were located. However, to keep our camp from being bombed at night, we were required to place shutters over barracks windows. This hardly seemed necessary since each room was lighted with one bulb, usually 15 W hung from the ceiling. However, where weather conditions allowed, we could hear British planes fly over our camp at night on their way to major military targets on the Baltic such as submarine bases at Swinemunde or naval bases near Kolberg only 30 miles north of our camp.
As the nights grew colder, sleeping on the crowded floor in our hut without lights or heat became miserable. Also in our hut were Al Gorashko, John Sperniak, Bill Holman and others.
One night as we were waiting for roll call we were standing in front of our hut when 3 German FW 190s flew over our camp at tree top level. As the first plane flew over he did a snap roll, pulled up and vanished into the clouds. The second plane did the same thing. The third FW 190 also did a snap roll at tree top level, but was not able to complete the maneuver and crashed in the trees only a short distance outside of our camp. He was so close we could see the flames and hear the ammunition exploding. This was an emotional experience for us and several POW's started cheering and claiming the plane as a kill. Viewing this, the guards in the towers became very angry and pointed their machine guns at us. About 4000 POWs were in B compound at the time. After a few minutes delay, our roll call was completed followed by a terse response from the Compound Commandant which included a warning. Our days were filled with walking around the compound and meeting other prisoners who had similar experiences as our own when they were shot down.
Finally Lager C was completed around October 15th and those in the huts, plus others in overcrowded barracks, would move to C the next morning. Twenty five hundred prisoners would move to C Lager from other areas. We were divided into groups of 20-25 to be assigned to various rooms. Since several of us had been together since August 22, 1944, the day we were shot down, we were trying to stay together. Fortunately, Joe Greskamp and I were able to stay in a group of 24 and were assigned to room 6, barracks 8, of compound C. Since we had no slat beds in our barracks we were again issued an armload of straw which we spread on each of the room and covered with a blanket. There were 12 on each side of the room, just enough room to turn over. I still have an occasional pain in my hips from sleeping on the hard floor for 6- months. We would occasionally fluff up the straw, which did not help too much. We were also issued a cup, bowl, knife, spoon, and fork. (I still have my knife, spoon and fork mounted on a plaque). The fork and spoon have the Luftwaffe insignia stamped on them. On this first day in C Lager, it was getting late so we placed the shutters on our windows. Our lights were off at 10:00 PM each night. Since we missed our noon soup we were given a ration of Red Cross food.
The barracks had a long hall down the center with 5 rooms on each side of the hall, which housed 210-250 prisoners. The barracks were made of prefab wood. In the front part of the barracks were 2 open-hole toilets, on each side of the hallway, to be used while we were locked up at night. Each Compound had a larger outhouse type toilet to be used during the day. The larger outhouse was emptied weekly by Russian women prisoners using a tank type piece of equipment on 4 wheels pulled by oxen. The tank was pumped full of sewer gas and when the sewer gas was ignited a vacuum was created in the tank pulling all waste materials into the tank through a hose. The tank was later emptied outside the camp. During the process of igniting the gas in the tank a very loud boom resulted which could be heard for several miles I am sure. We called the apparatus the V-3 Germany's secret weapon. At times a truck or tractor would enter the compound, which because of the shortage of fuel in Germany, used wood chips for fuel. Wood chips were placed in a sealed cylinder on the running board of the vehicle. When the chips were set on fire a gas resulting from the burning wood was created, piped into the engine, which reacted as fuel, therefore running the engine.
Our Lager Fuhrer in charge of our Compound and head of our roll call formations was a tall typical German officer who wore a long black fur lined coat with a Luftwaffe type bill cap. His name was Hauptman (Captain) Weinert. Our camp director (German) was Major Steel. Our American Man of Confidence for C Lager was Francis Troy of Wyoming. He was our contact between American POWs and the German command
I recall seeing 2 doctors while in camp due to infections, Capt. W.E. McKee of Louisville Ky. and Capt. Hysen, Youngstown, Ohio. Our Padres were Rev. T.J.E. Lynch of Aldershot Hawts, England, and Rev Anthony Jackson, Isle of Guernsey.
Since our rooms were subject to inspection at any time by the German guards, we had men assigned to sweep the floor, get coal and bread rations, and peel potatoes. Our routine meals consisted of hot water for coffee or tea before the morning roll call, a cup of hot soup for lunch, and boiled potatoes or barley soup for dinner. This was in addition to one item from a Red Cross parcel each day. On special occasions, such as Thanksgiving or Christmas, we would get one half, or sometimes a whole, parcel. Each day, we got 1/6 loaf of bread to eat with our meals. These loaves were about the size of our standard small loaf, were dark brown, soggy and covered with sawdust.
As stated above, our Stalag Luft 4 was opened officially in April 1944. However, I did not arrive at the camp until September 14. In the summer of 1944 a group of American prisoners were located at Stalag Luft 6, northeast of our camp on the Lithuania border. A Russian offensive threatened Luft 6, and the Germans did not want the prisoners located there liberated. So, approximately 1000 American POWs were loaded on a ship for evacuation to Luft 4, our camp. They were forced to stay in the hold of a ship for several days shackled in twos since it was a 100-mile trip along the SE shore of the Baltic Sea to their destination. It was hot and crowded, and the coal ship finally docked in Swinemunde, approx 75 miles west of our camp. The POW's were taken by train from Swinemunde to Keifheidi. After arriving at Keifheidi, the POWs were taken off the train by a redheaded Nazi captain and a group of young German marine cadets, 18 or 19 years of age. As the young marines began to march the POW's they noticed that they had fixed bayonets. They also noticed that there were a group of men with dogs and a group of Black Shirt SS Men in the area. For the first 100 yards they marched at a normal pace. Then a lot of shouting started. They were forced to walk fast then to double time--and as the tempo of shouting increased, coupled with the barking and snarling dogs, they were required to run. Many of the men were sick and could not run too fast. Those on the outside who lagged were slashed with bayonets and beaten with rifle butts and bitten by the dogs. Twenty men were required hospitalization as the results of the wounds, however many of the wounded were not hospitalized because of the lack of medical facilities. The Marines were incited by the German Capt. Pickhardt, the officer in charge of the guards, by being told that American airmen were gangsters and bombed German children and women. Some of the men who fell by the wayside had to be carried by their friends.
Most of our guards were rough and were to be feared. One of our most feared guards was Big Stoop, a large German guard about 6 ft 6 in tall, over 200 lbs and around 50 years old. He would hit the men on the ears with open hands, sometimes rupturing their eardrums. He would also strike men who were late for roll call. I have seen him pick up men slam them against the wall and then let them slide down the wall. I was fortunate in being able to stay away from. At the end of the war, Big Stoop's body was found with his head cut off.
We had a small library in our compound furnished by the International YMCA. Many of us played cards or just walked around the compound.
To supplement our potatoes and soup, we were issued 1/4 Red Cross parcel per week per man. The food was issued one can a day. Each can was punctured to prevent accumulation of food to aid in escape. All empty cans had to be turned in at the gate and counted before any other food was issued. This was to prevent the cans from being used to dig an escape tunnel.
Some guards roamed through the compound and barracks during the day, which we referred to as Goons. They were usually trying to get information or trying to find someone doing something wrong. When we would see them coming we would shout Goons Up, to alert everyone. They got so used to this that sometime they would stick their head in the door and say Goons Up. Some of the guards were older and were glad to be doing this type of work now, because most of them had seen a lot of service on the Russian front and were removed because of their physical condition,
I am sure that there were a lot of celebrities located at our camp or who later became celebrities. One celebrity lived in the room just next to mine. His name was Augie Donatelli, from Bakerstown, Pa. Augie was a National League baseball player and after the war became a well-known National League umpire, working out of the Cleveland area.
We were permitted to write letters and cards home on a limited basis. The letters were form type provided by the Germans. Most of my mail to my folks went through. However I did not receive any correspondence at any time during the 9 months that I was a POW, although my Mother wrote many times. My Mother mailed me several packages while I was in camp, but none were ever received. The letters can be seen in this report. The only letter that I remember getting through to anyone in our room was to David Walsh of Springfield, Mass. This letter was to let him know that his mother had died which was a very sad occasion for him, and in fact for all of us.
There was an informational network throughout our camp that we hoped would keep us informed about the progress of the war. We were never sure about the reliability of the messages, but someone in our camp was reported to have a radio and a messenger would come by each room and try to keep us up-to-date about the position of the front lines. Correct or not, this did help to keep our morale up. This information had to be handled very secretively to prevent being caught by the German guards.
We had as many last mission stories as there were POW's. We shared our bail out and capture experiences on many occasions. One airman who visited our room on occasions was severely injured by being shot in the chest with a 20-mm shell. His crew knew he could not make it back to the base so they put his parachute on him, pulled the handle and pushed him out of the airplane over Hungary hoping he would be found and treated. He was found immediately and taken to a hospital where his life was saved by a group of German nurses donating blood.
We were fortunate that we had one hand-wound phonograph that played 78 RPM records. It was passed from room to room over a period of time. I can remember only one record that we had and that was Oklahoma. But, we enjoyed it when it was our time for the phonograph.
The Germans were continually doing things to strengthen discipline and create fear throughout the compound. In October 1944 we had a special roll call where everyone was called out into the center of the compound by the guards. As we were standing around, without warning, the guards in the towers started firing their machine guns into the barracks and compound, narrowly missing some prisoners. The barracks were riddled and many of the rooms damaged.
Our camp being located in northern Germany on the Baltic Sea, it was very cold and we received a lot of snow due to the moisture from the sea. Although it was very cold in our barracks, and there was never a night or day we were completely warm, our guards suffered greatly throughout the night in the open guard towers around the camp. We could hear them stomping their feet at night just to keep the circulation up to prevent frostbite. Many of the guards were old and had seen a lot of combat service on the Russian front where they had been injured. Some had received prior frostbite damage to their feet during the 900 day attack on Leningrad.
Our first Christmas in prison camp (1 944) was a sad time for all of us as we thought about our families back home, and how they must feel about us being prisoners in a land far away and not knowing about our safety. I was not aware that my Mother had received word that I was a prisoner since I did not hear from anyone until I returned to the states in June 1945.
For Christmas each person in our camp received a full Red Cross Parcel which was great. Also, the gates between C and B Lager were opened and we were allowed to visit between the two compounds. Since all my friends were in Lager C, I do not recall crossing over into B Larger. We were getting some news on how the war was progressing in January 1944 which excited us since the skies had cleared on the western front and Allied planes were able to start bombing again. Around the middle of January we got the word that our food supplies were being cut because of transportation difficulties -- the Russians were advancing from the east cutting off the supply lines. We also heard that the Russians were driving west through Prussia in the direction of our camp. If this was so, our camp would be liberated before long and the war would be over for us.
Further proof that the Russians were advancing is that we could hear cannon fire from miles away and an occasional small arms fire. We even thought we could see a difference in how the Germans were treating us since they needed our support when the Russians arrived. The Germans feared the Russians severely since they had performed so many atrocities on the Russians when invading their country and on their drive toward Leningrad and other Russian areas. The Germans had surrounded Leningrad with a 900 day siege on that city killing thousands of Russians and reduced those who were left to human skeletons who were boiling leather harnesses and drinking the water from this act to get what nourishment they could from the liquid.
Because of the Russians advances, other POW camps east of our camp were evacuated because the Germans did not want the prisoners located in them liberated. The Germans had hoped that they could be used in the end of the war negotiations with the allied forces. A group of these prisoners stopped at our camp for a rest period as the Germans marched them west. They were in severe physical shape. They appeared to be Polish or Russians. It was very cold and snow covered the ground. Some of the prisoners were wounded and were using sticks to support themselves. They were placed in another compound nearby. We were told that some of them were left back at their camp to die since they were too weak to walk. The Russian prisoners were pulling sleds and were almost crawling on the ground because they were so weak. We could see them tearing the wooden shutters of the windows to start fires with, not caring if they were shot or not. Since they were in an area near our Lager, some of our men tried to throw them cigarettes and pieces of bread when a tower guard started firing warning shots almost hitting one of the men from our room. They stayed at our camp a few more days and moved on, while some were left on the barracks floor, too weak to get up.
Since we could hear heavy howitzer fire from miles away, and what we thought was small arms fire, we knew that liberation would be eminent. However, this was not to be.
Chapter 11
Death March – Eighty Six Days On the Road
On February 4, 1945, the Commandant of our Lager entered our barracks, and, through his interpreter, ordered everyone into the hallway. He told us that he had just received orders to evacuate the camp which meant that we would not be liberated as we had hoped and looked forward to for the past week. The evacuation meant that we would be marched west to prevent the Russians from liberating us. By this act we knew that we would be prisoners until the end of the war, and would be used for negotiating purposes.
The Commandant also told us that he knew that the march would be cold since we would be sleeping in barns at night but that we had no other choice. He stated that we would be leaving the camp early on February 6, which would give us one day to prepare for the march. The critically sick were to be left behind in the hospital and we assumed that they were liberated since we did not see them again. Some left by boxcar and were shipped to other camps where space was available.
On February 5, 1 made a backpack out of an old jacket by folding the bottom up and stitching along the sides. Shoulder straps were made of narrow strips of cloth. The pack was to be used to carry a Red Cross parcel we were told we would get as we left the camp plus any food we might be able to get along the way.
Three days before we left on February 6, three thousand of our 10,000 POWs were crowded into 40 and 8 boxcars (meaning 40 men or 8 horses) and sent to another camp. Most of these were sick or wounded who could not walk. Early on the morning of February 6, we were fed barley soup, lined up in front of our barracks and counted. We were not aware of what we would be confronted with during the next 86 days that we would be marching. During this time, we marched approx 700 miles or 1200 kilometers. The morning we left Stalag Luft 4, the temperature was 20 deg. F, and the snow was ankle deep to knee deep in drifts.
Six thousand POW's marched out of the gate that morning which created a serious logistic problem for the Germans, and, more importantly, for us as we headed west staying ahead of the Russians. As we left the front gate we were given a food parcel and were told that we could have 2 if we wanted. Joe and I took two each and kept what we wanted out of the second parcel since it would be impossible to carry two. In fact, for the first 2 or 3 miles food was scattered along the road that we could not carry. I am sure the German people living in the area picked it up.
We were all weak and had fear of getting sick along the road, as many did, due to the lack of food for the past 6 months. According to one of our camp doctors, Dr. Leslie Caplan, who was on the march with one of the groups, stated that our rations from the Germans during the march equaled to 1300 calories per day. Dr. Caplan appeared before the War Crimes Board in 1948 and in his testimony before this Board stated, That 1300 calories is far less than the minimum required to maintain body weight, even without the physical strenuous activity we were compelled to undergo in the long marches. The 86 day march was classified as the Death March of 6000 POWs from Germany's Stalag Luft 4 in the brutal winter of 1945 (see Dr. Caplan's report).
On the march we were strung out in groups of 500-600 at first. These groups were decreased in size as we continued, primarily due to the difficulty in finding enough barn space for us to stay in during the night. The groups became smaller also due to illness and death.
Additional guards were brought in to supplement the Luftwaffe . We marched down the middle of the road and the guards would march on the outside carrying machine guns and rifles. The guards, at the rear of the column, had guard dogs that could be used in the event of an attempted escape. The guards were arrogant and constantly demanding that we stay in line and would yell, Alus Righten, when a truck or some other type vehicle needed to pass our column. Some of our guards were older German soldiers who had been in combat for years and were tired with frostbitten feet, and became more compassionate as the march progressed. The men from our room tried to stay together but found this impossible for the entire time. We would get a rest break about every two hours and sit on the side of the road while being watched closely by the guards. After awhile it became more difficult to get up and start again.
The first day we marched 18 miles, and it was after dark when we arrived at our first barn near Stolzenburg; among many we would stay in during the next 86 days. The guards opened the door of the barn and everyone rushed in trying to find a resting place for the night. The barn was so crowded with POW's (500-600) that we had to sit up and sleep. The doors were locked with guards and guard dogs stationed outside the door. Several of the men were claustrophobic and were yelling and screaming most of the night. We slept on straw on straw covered with barn filth or damp due to holes in the roof. Also, every barn was infested with lice, which was a constant problem since we had no way of bathing or delousing.
Each day we continued our march in the snow and cold, usually arriving at our barn around dark. After the groups were reduced to 50-60 men they became more manageable and a more comfortable place could be found to sleep at night.
Usually in the morning before we started marching we had ersatz coffee and black bread At noon we ate whatever we had left from our Red Cross parcel or just a piece of bread since the Germans had no means of cooking along the road. Soon the food parcels ran out and we were reduced to 2 meals a day. At night the guards would get potatoes from the farmers and give each person 3 or 4 and we would build a fire and roast or boil them. Some nights we would have barley soup or just whatever the farmer might have that the Germans could take. Along the end of the march Red Cross food became difficult or impossible to get because of the transportation situation (at this point in the war food was very scarce for both the German military and civilian population which made it very difficult for prisoners to get anything). The American Air Force would shoot at and destroy anything moving along the road or on rails which accounted for a lot of our food shortage. The Germans made a big point of this, especially on nights when they could not arrange anything for us to eat.
When the German farmers harvested their potatoes they would pile them in about 20ft. long rows 4ft. high and then cover them with soil to prevent freezing. On more than one occasion, Joe and I found the pile and liberate a few potatoes to cook or to use in the future. We were kept moving each day with a promise of food and a barn to sleep in each night. Occasionally we would be close to the front lines (German and British) and would be required to march an extra long day just to keep ahead of the troops. And on several occasions we would approach a large city or an area that had been bombed, and the guards would turn us around because the people in the town were angry at Americans because of the bombings. They were afraid we would be attacked or possibly killed by the town's people.
In order to keep the march in perspective, on February 10, we marched 10km and stayed in a barn at Zirkwitz just west of Greifenberg. On the 11th we marched 20 km to Schwirsen where we stayed for 2 days. On Feb. 11, we walked 20 KM to Schwirsen. On the 13th we went through Wallin to Pritter.
One of the worst experiences on the march, I think, occurred on February 14, only 8 days after we left camp. We had marched about 35 km (20 miles) that day in a cold drizzling rain. Many in our group were sick with dysentery and pneumonia and could not keep up and they were placed in an oxen drawn wagon, filled with hay, which followed us. We were approaching the Naval Base city of Swinemunde on the Baltic. The German navy had a large submarine base there. As night approached, we were about 5 miles out of Swinemunde and were told that we could not enter the city and would have to sleep where we were on the ground. We were wet and cold and our blankets were also wet. There were about 30 men in our group. We placed one blanket on the ground and covered with another. Before morning the ground became frozen causing the blanket to stick to it. It was a very miserable night because of the cold wet conditions.
About 10:00 PM that night the British started bombing Swinemunde , which was possibly the reason that we were not allowed to enter. They dropped incendiary bombs first to create fires and light up the target. The British usually bomb on 15-min. intervals with one plane at a time as opposed to our method of mass bombing by groups. The bombing was effective as we saw the next day as we went through the City. The planes went through a lot of antiaircraft fire that night, but we never learned if any were shot down.
On February 15, we proceeded on to Swinemunde and had to cross a small area of water on a ferryboat loaded with rail cars. While going through the town we saw a street sign named Hitler Street. We were still proceeding northwest moving further from the front lines. After a few days some of our group fell behind because of illness, but were kept moving by the guards. We occasionally saw a sick wagon pulled by oxen or horses that would pick up those who could not walk. We assumed that they were taken to the nearest camp that was still in operation. On February 16, we marched 18 mi or 30km and at that point we were doing nothing more than following the man in front of us hoping that soon we would find a resting-place for the night. On the 17th we arrived at Anklam directly east of Swinemunde.
During the march many of our roommates were separated due to illness or other reasons, such as splitting the groups up in order to keep a better watch on us.
From this point on it became difficult to keep up with the date that we would pass through or stay at a certain location. However, the following is the approx route we followed until May 3,1945, the day we were liberated by the British (the approx. route can be seen on the map included in this report.). From Anklam, we continued southwest to Neubrendenburg arriving there March 6. Neubrandenburg is approx 50 KM from Anklam. We were averaging marching (walking would be a better word) approx. 15-18 KM each day. On some occasions we would stay in one area 2-3 nights in the same barn which gave us time for rest and when it became warmer in March and April, time to take a sponge bath from water in the horse trough. We walked northwest to Stavenhagen then on to Tetrow arriving there around March 10. We then proceeded to Bitzow, Wisman, Mecklenburg and Schonberg. On or around March 24, we arrived in Lubek. From Lubek we headed toward Hamburg 75 KM SW of Lubek. On our way from Lubek to Hamburg we went through Oldesioe, Bargteheide, Ahreasburg and Wandsbek. From Hamburg we went to Lauenburg and Luenburg. From Luenburg we went to Bienenbuttel and Ebstorf. We crossed the Elbe River at Hamburg.
In Ebstorf, we were told that we would be going to Stalag XI-B in Fallingbostel by rail. On March 28, around noon, 63 of us were loaded into a 40 and 8 boxcar. It was so crowded that we all could not sit down at the same time. There were 2 small windows on each end of the boxcar on opposite sides. Two of the men were able to tie a blanket between windows and sit in them similar to a hammock. Many of the men were sick and we had 2 buckets for this purpose. We also had two buckets of water for 63 men. During the three days we were on the boxcar, the train did not move the first day. Three days later on March 31, we arrived at Fallingbostel. This was an International camp which included Russians, Polish, Czechs, Turks and Americans from all branches of the service. The camp was in very bad shape with food in short supply. The prisoners from the other countries were not treated as well as American prisoners. This was evident based on the number who died each day. One or two prisoners died each day from dysentery, malaria or malnutrition. We would see the Germans hauling the bodies out in a wheelbarrow to be buried outside the camp. While in Stalag XI-B, I met a friend that I had graduated from high school with at Harrold. His name was Rex Germany. Rex was in the infantry and had been captured several months prior to our meeting. While in this camp, we were told that we would be deloused before we left to continue our march. We were taken down to a large barn looking building where we undressed completely. Our clothes were put in a box, which was placed in a hot steam oven for 30 minutes.
During the 30-minute delousing period, we were allowed to take a shower, the first shower we had taken in about 8 months. After our clothes were deloused, and after a hot shower, we slept the whole night through without scratching.
On April 6, we were told to be ready to move out of Fallingbostel by 1:00 PM. We were issued 1/2 loaf of bread and other food for the trip that was to last for one week. We first walked to Wietzendorf about 12 KM and then to Soltau staying in barns each night. From Soltau we headed NW to Ebstorf, 15 KM and then to Binenbuttel. At this point we were somewhat backtracking our route on our way down to Fallingbostel, however staying in different barns than we had before. In Bienenbuttel, we lost one of our men. There were about 30 of staying in this one barn and one of our men had been sick with severe dysentery and dehydration. When we woke up one morning he was dead. I remember that we placed him on a 4-wheel cart and buried him in the area. I did not get his name, but in talking to some of his friends he was from Wichita Falls, TX. I have often wished that I had written down his name so that I could have talked to his parents after I returned to the states. According to Dr. Caplan's, report to the War Crimes Commission, seven men out of our group alone died on the Death March due to neglect. Out of the 95,000 American prisoners held in Europe, 1,124 died due to injury or neglect of the Germans. Many were killed just after being captured, under orders from Hitler (statistics from POW Museum, Andersonville, Ga.)
Those from our group who died were:
George W. Briggs S/Sgt.
John C Clark S/Sgt.
Edward B Coleman S/Sgt.
George F Grover S/Sgt.
William Lloyd S/Sgt.
Harold H. Mack T/Sgt.
Robert M. Trapnell S/Sgt.
On April 13, 1945, we were told by the guards that President Roosevelt had died on the day before, on April 12. This was a sad day for us since this placed some uncertainties on us and Roosevelt had been our Commander-In-Chief since the beginning of the war.
We proceeded on to Vastorf, Luneburg, Karze, Hohnstorf and back to Lauenburg where we crossed the Elbe River. This was on approx. April 28.
All during this time we were hearing howitzer fire in the distance and occasionally small arms fire. The Germans were treating us better and we were getting more food from the farmers and from the Red Cross. On or about April 28, we heard that the Allied forces, which turned out to be the British, were within 20 KM or 12 miles from our position. We continued our march northeast staying in barns 2 or 3 days at a time because the end was finally near for us to be liberated.
Chapter 12
Liberation
On May 3, 1945, at approx. 10:00 AM, we were in the small town of Buchen when a British officer came up in a jeep and told us that we were liberated and to take the guns from the guards and to take them prisoner. I think the guards were as glad that the war was over for them as we were. Since the war was not actually over until May 8, we were with the front line forces for a period of time and were able to see the ground forces in action. Thousands of Germans were surrendering to the British and were all rounded up near a small town called Gudow. I was able to get several medals, a coat, map bag, a German Bible, and other articles from the German prisoners. Since we were walking, it was impossible to carry many articles.
We were told to return to Lauenburg, and to get there any way possible. Joe and I rode on the back of a motorcycle part of the way and rode in the back of a military truck the rest of the way. We went through several towns that had been completely evacuated by the people of the town since the front lines had been through a short time before. Joe and I went through several houses completely furnished, but everything was thrown out in the middle of the floor due to the concussion from bombing. I recall one pharmacy that was intact that we explored extensively. As we approached the basement we found a polish girl who had been a slave laborer on one of the local farms for several years. Although we could not communicate, we traveled together on our way to Lauenburg. On our route, we could see everything was destroyed, houses burned, bridges bombed, railroads and equipment destroyed. Outside Laurenburg, the road was jammed with German equipment, trucks, tanks, Jeeps, radio communication trucks, guns, artillery pieces, etc. The roads were also jammed with thousands of German POW's. The bridge crossing the Elbe had been destroyed so we crossed on a pontoon bridge.
We proceeded on to Luneburg and were told to go to the British Center for POWs where we signed Registration Cards. Here, we were issued new clothes, deloused and took a shower. The next day, we rode in the back of GI trucks 150 miles to a British Camp. We were put in 10 men tents, and issued straw and blankets. On May 6, we shipped out in trucks again for Emsdetten. On May 10, we were in contact with American forces for the first time. We were placed on C-47s and flown to Brussels, Belgium where we stayed in a railway yard. The trams had just been placed back in service and were very crowded. We went to the city and hung on the outside of the trams going down the middle of the street. While on the trams, we met two British Waffs who showed us the town.
From Brussels we rode a train to Namure Belgium. This was on May 11. On May 13, we left Namur, riding the train all night, arriving at Camp Luckey Strike just outside La Harve, France. The US had several camps located in La Harve used for the purpose of transporting troops back to the United States.
All of the camps were named after cigarettes such as Phillip Morris, Camel, Chesterfield, as well as others. While in Camp Luckey Strike, I ran across our Navigator, Aubry C. Ross who had been shot down after we were. We were in La Harve for about 2 weeks waiting for a ship to transport us back to the US. I can remember every night the US military personnel stationed in La Harve would get 3 or 4 large tables from the Mess Hall, cover them with white table cloths and have a very large poker and dice game.
Chapter 13
Back to the States
On June 5, we sailed from La Harve on the Liberty Ship Sea Robin. During the 6-day trip the sea became very rough on occasions and several became sick. The ship had to be stopped on one occasion, due to the rough weather, for the ship doctor to perform surgery. We arrived at camp Shanks, N.Y. on June 12.
I wired my Uncle Bob who lived in Electra this message, Arrived In U.S. Today. Be home soon. We left camp Shanks on June 13, by troop train and arrived in Ft. Sam Houston, Texas about 3 days later. We were at Ft. Sam Houston only overnight. I arrived in Electra on June 19, and all my family and many friends were there to meet me at the railway station.
I was given a 2 months furlough and left for Miami Beach Florida for a rest period. I lived on the beach in a hotel operated by the military. From Miami Beach, I transferred to Carswell Airforce Base in Ft. Worth, where I was assigned as Records Clerk and Clerk Typist at headquarters, 2519 AAFBU for 2 months. On October 19, 1945, 1 was transferred to Sheppard Field, in Wichita Falls, TX where I remained until discharged from the service on October 23, 1945.
Medals received during my 2 years, 7 months, and 7 days in the service includes the following:
1. Good Conduct
2. World War II
3. Texas Service
4. Air Medal
5. American Campaign
6. European, American, Middle Eastern Campaign
7. POW Medal
See picture included)
My mother corresponded with the parents of some of my crew members. The letters can be seen in this report.
To be sung to the tune of THANKS FOR THE MEMORIES
Thanks for the memories of flights over Germany, across the cold North Sea
With blazing guns we fought the Huns for air supremacy, how thankful we were
Thanks for the memories of ME 109's, of flak guns on the Rhine
They did their bit and we were hit, it ended our good times, we hate them so much
We drifted out of formation, we jumped and what a sensation, our job was done we had our fun
And now we sweat out the duration, How thankful we were.
So thanks for the memories of days we had to stay in Stalag four I say,
With Jerry stew that had to do 'til Red Cross parcel day, how thankful we were.
Morris Barker
Addendum
In December 1948, the Army announced that veterans with prior military service, with a minimum of 60 college hours could be commissioned a 2nd Lt. in the field artillery, under certain conditions. Satisfactory scores on a written test, in addition to passing a physical examination, were required. I made application for this program and received orders to report to Carswell Air force Base in Ft. Worth Texas for testing and to take a physical examination. I was still in college at this time. The semester was to end in January 1949. While at Carswell, I was interviewed by the military and in January 1949, I was notified that I had satisfactorily met all the requirements to receive a commission. Two military personnel came to Stephenville to swear me in as a 2nd Lt. in January. I then received orders to report to Ft Sill Oklahoma on or about February 1949 to begin my training. Mary and I moved everything we owned to Electra in our 1947 Club Coupe Ford. Mary and I went to Lawton, Oklahoma to take a look at the town and camp. Upon returning to Electra, I had a letter from the War Department stating that my reporting date to Ft Sill had been moved back approximately 3 weeks. The letter also stated I had the option to report on the new date or resign my commission. Having completed two years of college at Tarleton in Stephenville and accepted at Texas A&M University, we made the decision to resign my commission and report to Texas A&M in the summer of 1949. I graduated in January 1951 from Texas A&M. One of my friends made the decision to report at the later date and completed his training. I later found out that, as artillery officers, we were to be trained for the Korean War, so I feel that I made the right decision.
World War II for the United States began December 7, 1941 with the bombing of Pearl Harbor by the Japanese Imperial Military Government under the leadership of Admiral lsoroku Yamamoto (See Pearl Harbor insert). Germany, Italy and Japan planned with their efforts to rule the world. With the defeat of the Germans and the Italian forces in Europe by the United States and their allies, and with the defeat of Japan, the war ended August 18, 1945.
This is an account of my experiences while in the Armed Forces from March 17, 1943 until October 23, 1945. This account is written for members of my family, especially for my Grandchildren and their children who are too young (some unborn at the time of this writing) to comprehend the importance of World War II and the events leading up to the war. Winston Churchill, Prime Minister of Great Briton during the war years said, "A country that forgets its past has no future." It is hoped that this account will help us to remember our past and some of the information that is fast fading from our memory.
Chapter 1
The World Drifts Toward War
Although U.S. involvement in WW II only officially covered the period December 7, 1941 through August 18, 1945 the war actually began in September 1939 with the invasion of Poland by Germany leaving Poland defenseless in just two days. This action prompted other invasions of this type and became something to be reckoned with. Actually the years between WW I (1919) and WW II (1941) had a great impact on the beginning of WW II.
After WW I, the Treaty of Versailles between the U. S. and Germany imposed strict arms, military and boundary restrictions on Germany. This Treaty left Germany in desperate economic and military straits. Due to these restrictions, the official German government lay dormant for several years. However, in 1919 the Nazi party headed by Adolph Hitler, an Austrian, was formed and by 1931 had grown to 800,000 members, primarily military and very visible throughout the world.
In 1932 Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected President for the first of his four consecutive terms. This is significant since Roosevelt was Commander In Chief of all U.S. Armed Forces during the war years and it was through his leadership that we were successful in winning the war on two fronts–Europe and Pacific.
Also in 1932, Austrian born Hitler became a German citizen. After 1932, under his leadership, Germany became a predominate military force in the world. The Air Force, the stronghold of the military, under the direction of Herman Goring, a WW I German flying Ace, built the strongest air power in history up to that time. After the war, Goring was imprisoned as a war criminal and placed in prison in Nuremberg because of atrocities performed under his command to military and political prisoners. Goring was sentenced to die by hanging for these acts. He was obsessed with the fear of hanging and became friends with an American Officer supervisor at the prison and, on the day of his scheduled execution, the officer slipped Goring a cyanide capsule which he took to end his life.
In 1934, Winston Churchill warned Parliament of a German air threat which, in fact, almost destroyed London and other major cities in England in the late 30s and early 40s. This act brought us further to the realization and understanding for the need of our involvement in World War II.
In 1931, Mussolini, military leader of Italy and ally of Germany during the war, invades Ethiopia against the League of Nations Treaty with little or no sanctions. We begin to see that the rapid movement by stronger nations crossing the borders of the weaker countries could be detrimental to our security and this opened our eyes to the actions of the leaders who had aspirations of ruling the world.
In 1936, Chiang Kai-shek of China declares war on Japan. In 1937 Japanese pilots attacked and seized Peking, Tientsin, Shanghai, Nanking, and Hangchow China. At this time, the Japanese government insists that they are not waging war on China. Also, in 1937 a German air squadron destroys the cities of Guernica and Gijon in Spain to test their military aircraft when the Nazi Party becomes involved in Spain. In 1938, Hitler marches into Austria and begins massive attacks on Jews within Germany and Poland. In 1939, Germany broadens its borders by marching into Bohemia and Moravia (originally part of Austria, now Czechoslovakia). Roosevelt recognizes that the apparent actions of Hitler are directed toward ruling the world, and demands of Hitler and Mussolini that they not invade the 31 countries named by Roosevelt. When these demands were not met, Roosevelt asked congress for Monies ($552 million) to spend on defense of the U.S.
In 1939, Germany invades Poland and in 1940 Nazi bombers "blitz" London for several months, dropping 36,000 bombs on Britons' capitol. Germany also occupies Czechoslovakia and the Balkans. On December 7, 1941, Japan’s air force attack the U. S. Naval base at Pearl Harbor, killing 2000 Americans, virtually destroying the U.S. Naval Fleet and, at the same time, attacking U.S. airfields in the Philippines. After this attack, President Roosevelt made the following statement, "Yesterday, December 7, 1941, a date which will live in infamy-the United States of America was attacked by Naval and Air forces of the Empire of Japan." On this same day, Congress was asked by the President to declare war against Japan and on December 8, the U.S. entered World War II. Admiral Yamamoto, a Harvard educated Japanese Naval Commander and architect of the Pearl Harbor attack, uncertain about his actions on December 7, said, "I fear we wake a sleeping giant." The unconditional surrender of Japan at the end of the war on August 18, 1945 proved him right.
Chapter 2
United States Enters World War II
The surprise attack took place at 7:55 A.M. (Sunday) while Japanese negotiators were in Washington talking peace with U.S. officials. Damages were heavy. The USS Arizona was sunk with 1,100 men on board and is currently a National Museum with the 1,100 men still entombed within. Many aircraft and other ships were sunk. Some men were able to be rescued even with the ships turned on their side by cutting through the ships’ hull, however, some were trapped in air spaces who could not be rescued and lived for a considerable time before suffocation. In one instance, where a battleship was on its side and the men could not be rescued because the ammunition storage was located too near the trapped men, the men inside tapped on the hull for 18 days or until December 24 until all had died. Men required to work in the area where the ship was located reported that they had to cover their ears to try to keep from hearing the tapping, knowing the men were slowly dying.
On December 8, Germany declares war on the U. S. We were now in major conflict with two major powers. The U.S. entered the war as a fourth class military nation in production of military equipment including aircraft. Through the efforts of many U.S. citizens, we soon led the world in technology, production and dedicated servicemen. The one common denominator to every nation on every front during WW II was an air war, and the airplane was to become the universal symbol.
Many accounts have been written about military experiences of individuals throughout the various wars and many are similar. My experiences closely parallel that of other service men, especially air force personnel who flew combat missions and were taken prisoners of war. Other accounts similar to mine, can be found in 'THE SHOE LEATHER EXPRESS' by Joseph P. O’Donnell and 'BARBED WIRE BORDOM' by Charles G Janis. Also, 'SURVIVAL' by Alexander Gorasko. These authors were in the same prison camp that I was in and Gorasko was in the same room with me. Alex was not in my bomb group but was shot down on the same day (August 22, 1944) bombing the same target.
Chapter 3
From High School to the War Zone
I completed my high school work at Harrold High School in January 1943. My diploma was presented to my Mother May 23, 1943 at the next scheduled graduation since I had entered the service March 17, 1943. Due to illness of my Grand Mother, Annie Elizabeth Andrews, who died March 5, 1943, my entry into the service was moved back to the March 17 date. My Grand Mother would be the Great-Great Grandmother of Morgan, Michelle, Casey, Jacob, Jason, and Matthew (photo 1 is a picture of my Grandmother, Mother and me). My Grandmother, who helped raise me, lived in Electra, Texas where I was born January 6, 1925. Since my Mother had to work, my Mother and I lived with my Grandmother most of the time. After my Mother’s marriage to my Step Father, A. E. Rodgers (photo 2), when I was 10, we lived across the street, so I continued to live with my Grandmother until 1942 when we moved 15 miles southwest of Electra to Grayback (photo 3). We lived there until I entered the service at Camp Walters, Mineral Wells, Texas. Since we lived so far out of Electra on an oil lease, and transportation was scarce, my Mother and I stayed at our Pastor’s house the night before I was scheduled to leave for the service so I could catch the bus early the next morning. I was 18 at the tame. Almost everything was rationed during the war because of shortages such as gasoline, food, clothing etc. (see ration books).
I recall several boys from Electra entered the service and rode the same bus to Camp Walters as I did. During the first few days at Camp we were issued uniforms, took various tests, shots and received instructions about life in the service. We were also given a chance to choose a branch of the service we would like to enter. Some of the other boys from Electra decided that we should try to get into the paratroopers. We were given special physical exams since this branch required a considerable amount of physical training. As it turned out, it was found that I had flat feet and high blood pressure, so I was disqualified for that branch of the service. I was disappointed since most of my friends went on to the paratroopers. However looking back, I feel that I was fortunate since I subsequently got into the Army Air Corp.
I did qualify for a new Field Artillery unit being formed in North Carolina. Leaving Camp Walters, a group of us were shipped by troop train to Camp Butner, N. C. The camp that I was in was a small auxiliary camp to a larger camp built near Durham, N.C. in which new artillery units were formed in the 2nd Army. I was assigned to battery C, 270th Field Artillery Battalion. Most of the men in this unit were from Texas, Louisiana and a training Cadre from Missouri, Ohio, California, and New Jersey. I was assigned to the instrument group. We were responsible for field surveys and positioning the 4 – 105 mm howitzers in relationship to the target in order to assure effective, accurate firing and destruction of the target. After completing basic training, I was promoted to Private 1st Class.
Other members of the instrument section included S/S Louis Kawacha from Hamtramic Michigan, Jeff Stewart of Paris, Texas, John Panks III, Slidell Louisiana (Photo 4-7). Our Battery Commander was 1st Lt. Bernard H. Adams, Lt. Rothermall, Battery Exec. from La Jolla, Calif., 1st Sgt. Sahr of Ohio with Private Hall of Wichita Falls, Texas (photo 9). Me reading a book in my bunk (notice unfinished walls in temporary barracks (photo 10). Other picture of me showing off my PFC stripe and 2nd Army shoulder patch can be seen in photo 11.
While stationed at Camp Butner, we had several field exercises requiring camping around the Durham area where we would fire our large 105mm howitzers. On weekends passes, several friends and I would go to Oxford, Raleigh, and Durham. I completed my basic training at Camp Butner. On October 25, 1943, 1 applied for and was accepted into the Aviation Cadet Training Program (exhibit 1) which required me to leave the Field Artillery and many friends that I made in the 270th. In December 1943, I received orders to report to Miami Beach Florida for processing into pilot training. At about this time, my F.A. unit had completed training and had orders to report to Ft. Leonardwood, Missouri prior to being shipped overseas and into combat. This is the last contact I had with my old unit and my many friends. However, I did by chance see our Battery Commander's jeep driver who worked for El Paso Products Company of Odessa, and he told me the unit had shipped overseas and was involved in combat.
As it happened, the 270th left Camp Butner the same day that I had orders to report to Miami Beach. As I recall, I traveled by troop train from Durham to Miami and arrived there December 24, 1943. At that time, the Air Corp had taken over several hotels along the beach for housing personnel. I was assigned to the Royal Palm Hotel (photo 12 & 13) located on Collins Avenue. While there, we received lectures concerning pilot training and the Air Corp in general. We enjoyed the beach and meeting new servicemen while there. After several days in Miami we received a directive that the Aviation Cadet program had been postponed and we were being assigned to aerial gunnery school because of heavy losses of gunners in Europe in the 8th and the 15th Air Forces. I left Miami in January 1944 and, after several days on a troop train, arrived at Harlingen, Air Force Base in Harlingen, Texas. We went through all phases of gunnery training which prepared us as a bomber crew member responsible for protecting the crew and aircraft from enemy aircraft while on combat missions. I was in Class 44-12 in Gunnery School (photo 14).
My first ride ever in an airplane was in an AT-6Texan. This part of the training included firing at a tow target attached to another plane by a cable which was flying adjacent to my plane. I was standing up behind the pilot firing at the tow target with a 30-caliber machine gun. The tips of the ammunition were painted with various colors in order that our hits on the target could be verified. We had to hit the target a certain number of times in order to qualify on this part of our training. Other training included aircraft identification in order that could properly identify all aircraft used in combat so as to prevent shooting down one of our own escort aircraft. We also had training in care and use of our 45-cal. pistols, which we were issued and wore on combat missions. Other weeks training were dedicated to all phases of aerial gunnery-
After graduating from gunnery school and receiving my wings (photo 15) in April 1944, 1 was transferred to Fresno, California (Hammer Field) and was assigned to a B-24 crew that I would be training with during transition in preparation for combat. (Photo 17).
Members of my crew were from left to right, back row:
Bill Ramsdall - Pilot
Nick Battistelia - Co Pilot
Aubry C. Ross Navigator
Richard F Macey - Bombardier
Granston - Engineer
Mc Donald - Radio Operator
Morgan - Armorer Gunner
Morris Barker- Armorer Gunner
Spence Asst. Engineer (requested to be taken off flying status after I was shot down)
Jester -Asst. Radio Operator (missing from picture)
After several days at Hammer Field, our crew was given orders to report to Tonopah Army Air Base at Tonopah, Nevada in April 1944. The Air Base was located about 5 miles outside a small town of Tonopah north of Los Vegas. This base was a training base for B-24 crews just prior to being assigned to a combat group. Upon arrival, we were assigned living quarters by crews. We flew each day as a crew on cross-country flights, practice bombing missions, air-to-ground firing, tow target practice and night navigation missions over the western part of the United States. Our stay in Tonopah was enjoyable and we had the opportunity to do a lot of things as a group on base other than fly. We took a lot of target practice with our 45 pistols at the base target range. I also had an opportunity to visit with my cousin Toby Andrews, who was also in training on the same base. Toby and I were raised together in Electra, however, he moved to California with his parents just after the war started in 1941.
On practice bombing missions, part of my responsibility was to photograph the target area from high altitude to determine our accuracy and to qualify our crew. The pictures were taken with a large airforce camera approximately 18" by 18" with a lens 8" in diameter. In order to take the pictures, a door approx. 4' by 5' in the rear of the plane, bottom side, was required to be opened inward. I would sit on the leading edge of the opening with my feet on the trailing edge, holding the camera between my legs pointed downward toward the ground approximately 20 thousand feet below. Thinking back, this was very hazardous, since, in performing this operation, a parachute could not be worn easily and had the plane hit an air current just right, I could have fallen through the opening. However, at age 19, we usually did not think about these things. Since then, I have thought about this a lot causing nightmares on occasions.
I am shown in photo 19 on base in front of one of our aircraft hangers. I received a furlough in May 1944 to visit my parents and sister in Electra. I recall riding the bus from Tonopah to Electra and back.
After completing our transition training in Tonopah in July, 1944, our crew was transferred to Hamilton Field in San Francisco. Our purpose here was to get our overseas assignment, which we were not allowed to opened until airborne. We were issued a new B-24 aircraft which we flew to our combat base. After leaving San Francisco, our sealed orders were opened and we were ordered to Bangor, Maine and then on to Presque, Isle. This route alerted us that we were to be stationed in Europe. Just prior to leaving San Francisco, I developed an infection in my left leg. Our first stop was in Amarillo, Texas and, since I had a fever of 103 F, our pilot Bill Ramsdell thought it would be wise to check in with medics while the plane was being serviced. Due to the fever and size of the infection, I was hospitalized for 3 or 4 days.
Fortunately, my crew was given orders to remain in Amarillo until I was discharged and then to proceed on with our orders. My crew had many stories to tell me about their stay in Amarillo, which they enjoyed very much. While I was in the hospital, I informed my Mother and my Uncle Bob Andrews where I was and they visited me since Electra is only 200 miles east of Amarillo. I took my Mother through our B-24 and showed her my stations, nose and tail turrets, where I would be riding during missions and outlined my responsibilities as a gunner. After leaving Amarillo and proceeding on to Bangor and Presque Isle, our next stop was in St. Johns Newfoundland. St Johns is located at the southeast corner of the island. After 2 or 3 days in Newfoundland, we proceeded on to the Azores Island located approx. half way between the U. S. and Africa. The Azores is a small Island spotted with white houses randomly located across the island, with the air base being the major attraction. Our crew took the opportunity to scout out the area while there.
Our next stop was Tunis, North Africa. The air base where we landed in Tunis was at one time occupied by the Germans. I recall several German planes still at the base. One German plane had been shot down by an American pilot and the German plane had dove toward the hanger and about half of the plane was sticking out of the roof. At each stop our crew took advantage of looking over the area and towns around the air bases and visiting the NCO Clubs on Base.
Our final destination, the location of our base from where we flew our missions, was in Cerignola, Italy, a small town approximately 500 miles north from the tip of the heel of the boot (exhibit 2). Foggia, Italy, a larger city was located approx. 30 miles NW of Cerignola. Our crew went to Foggia on a few occasions and while there visited the USO center. Foggia, for the most part, was in ruins from bombings by the U.S. Air Force while stationed in Africa, prior to moving up to Italy. My crew arrived in Cerignola on August 10, 1944.
Chapter 4
I’m In the War – Five Bombing Missions
We were assigned to the 15th Air Force, 49th Wing, 451st Bomb Group, 726th Squadron. The 451st BG was made of 4 squadrons: 724th, 725th, 726th, and 727th. Major General R. L. Eaton, Commander of the 451st. BG stated, "The 451 BG is clearly the best Bomb Group in the 15th Air Force." Our airbase was a typical combat base with steel mat runways. We lived in tents, in groups, by squadrons. The NCO (non-commissioned officers) crew members lived together and the 4 officers had a separate tent. (Exhibit 2 A thru H) shows scenes throughout our base.) During the short time that I was with the 451st. BG, I flew 7 sorties which included 6 missions including the following:
1. 8-13-44 Arenzano, Italy. This mission lasted 6 hrs and 30 min. Arenzano is located in the northern part of Italy and our mission was German gun positions. One aircraft (B-24) was lost on this mission from the 726th sqdn.
2. 8-14-44 This mission included 27 aircraft from the 451st BG. Our mission was to bomb the beachhead at St. Tropez, France to support allied landings in southern France. Our planes dropped 81 tons of bombs on German positions near the coast in preparation for the landings in Southern France on 8-15-44. We were flying at 15,000 ft. on this mission and had a good view of the convoys of landing craft headed toward the coast. Naval ships were lined up in columns for miles loaded with troops scheduled to land on the beach the next day. This mission was 6hrs and 30min and no aircraft were lost.
3. 8-15-44 On this mission we returned to Southern France. However, on this mission we bombed inland with 56 tons of bombs. During take-off on the morning of 8/15/44 one plane (Cannon Fodder) crashed killing 3 crew members. After our convoy of troops had landed on 8-15-44, the Germans retreated rapidly and our mission was to bomb bridges and German communications in order to trap the German troops. This mission was very successful and was known as Operation Anvil. Our target was concentrated in the Frejus, France area (see p.89 The Fight'n 451). This mission lasted 6hrs 45min.
4. My 4th mission was flown to bomb the Alibunar Airdrome located in Alibunar, Yugoslavia on 8-18-44. This mission lasted 5hrs 30min and was very successful since many German aircraft were destroyed on the ground. We experienced heavy anti-aircraft fire on this mission. The flax was very thick and it appeared that we were flying right into it from the nose turret position, which I was flying on this mission. On this mission, we were near the target area on the bomb run and our bomb bay doors were open. From the nose position, I could look down through the bomb bay doors. As stated above, the flak was very heavy and bursting out in front of our plane at our elevation. I looked to my right from my turret and saw a B-24 sliding under our plane, from right to left. The plane's No. I engine was on fire and the fire was spreading across No. 2 engine and the cockpit area. Just as the plane slid under our plane, it blew up. We did not see any parachutes leaving the plane so we assumed all crew members were lost. Later on, while in prison, I saw a member of this crew who verified, in fact, that all members of his crew managed to escape. They landed near the target area that we were bombing, an airdrome. The local citizens were very angry since many of their family members were killed. We were carrying frag bombs on this mission designed to destroy aircraft and any personnel in the area. The crew members were required to dig graves for those killed near the base, including several children. They were beaten by local people and actually thought that they were digging their own graves.
It was my responsibility, as Armorer gunner, to remove all fuse tags to be sure that the bombs would explode on contact with the target. In order to do this, I would be required to wear a walk-around oxygen bottle attached to my parachute harness. This operation also required that I walk out on the cat walk in the bomb bay area. The walkway was approx 1 ft wide. With the planes trying to get into formation and moving around a lot, this was always a difficult task (p 91, 451 BG book). We also threw chaff out of the plane windows to foul enemy ground radar.
5. 8-20-44 This mission was to Szolnack and the Rakoczifala Airdrome in Hungary. As usual around Airdromes, flak was very heavy. No aircraft were lost on this mission which lasted 7 hrs. We were flying approx 23,000 ft. At this altitude, the temp. is around 40 to 50 degrees below zero. Since there was no heat in bombers during WW II, we relied on heavy leather fleece lined flying jackets, pants gloves and shoes. Loss of any one of these items could cause severe frostbite. However, at 40 to 50 deg. below zero, the high altitude missions are very uncomfortable, especially on a 7 to 8hr. mission. For some reason though, it seemed to warm up when you were being attacked by enemy fighters or experiencing anti-aircraft fire from the ground when you can see shells bursting right in front of you (see p47, and 52, The Fight'n 451st Bomb Group).
Chapter 5
My Last Bombing Mission – Shot Down by the Germans
6. 8-22-44 According to the Fight'n 451 Bomb Group History, p.35, the August 22 and 23, 1944 missions will always be remembered as the two worst days in the group’s history. Our group was attacked by 50 German fighters (ME 109's) on August 22, 1944, my last mission. In many instances, crew members from one crew will fly with another crew if they have lost members of their crew due to enemy action or have completed their missions. This was the situation on August 22. At 5:30 AM on 8/22, 1 heard my name being called outside our crew tent to report to the flight briefing room at 6:30 for a mission briefing. Briefing sessions are held before each mission to alert the crews of the mission location, enemy action to expect, length of mission, weather report, and navigation information. I was flying tail gunner position on this mission. Our target on this date was to bomb Lobau underground oil storage facilities near Vienna, Austria. The mission was to last 7hrs. 30min. At briefing, we were told that we should expect heavy fighter attacks and that there were 312 heavy anti-aircraft guns (88mm) in the area so to expect heavy flak concentrations in the target area.
After breakfast, we loaded our flying equipment into a truck and were transported to our aircraft on the flight line. We put on our flight suits, flak vests, heavy boots and gloves, steel flak helmets and took our stations in the aircraft prior to takeoff. At our base we had steel mat runways with a wide deep valley at the end of the runway. This wide valley saved a lot of planes from crashing on takeoff since the planes are sometimes difficult to get off the ground especially when loaded with 10,000 lbs. of bombs and a full crew (10 men). We made the takeoff OK and got into formation. As we climbed out over the Adriatic Sea, we entered our turrets and test fired our 50 Caliber machine guns into the water. All tested OK. As we continued to climb in formation and reached 10,000 ft. we put on our oxygen masks.
Realizing that we could be attacked at any time, we were very observant for any enemy activities. At about 10: 30AM, as we approached Lake Balaton just outside Budapest, Hungary, we were attacked by 50 German ME 109 fighter planes. The attack lasted for approx. 20 minutes. During this attack we lost 7 aircraft from the451st BG or 25%. There was one other member of my original crew flying on my plane that day, 2nd Lt. Richard F. Macey (see letters from Macey). Others on my plane included:
2nd Lt. Valerian E. Klein, Pilot KIA
2nd Lt. James S. Beckerman, CO Pilot
S/Sgt Robert E Morrow, Engineer KIA
S/Sgt Chauncey M. Friend, Ball Gunner
S/Sgt William B Holman, Nose Gunner
Sgt Earl B. Clark, Jr., Radio Operator KIA
Cpl Morris P. Barker, Tail Gunner
Cpl William J. G. Lewis, Waist Gunner
The Aircraft that we were flying on this mission was Serial No. 42-51300, Nickname: Wet Dream, (p 201 The Fight'n 451st BG).
We were looking for enemy fighters as we were approaching Lake Balaton, also near the small town of Papau, Hungary. The mission was going as planned. We had taken off at approx 7:OO AM everything was in order and everyone in their assigned place. After testing our guns, we joined the formation in the 726th. Sqdn. There were 4 formations of 7 aircraft each. The formations or squadrons fly in the approximate following pattern:
1
2 3
4
5 6
7
No. 1 Lead Plane
No.2-6 Regular formation
No. 7 Tail End Charley
On the August 22 mission we were flying No. 5 position. Old Taylor was flying No. 7. 1 could see Old Taylor at all times off to my left about 250ft. away. (see p34, The Fight'n 451). As the mission progressed, I was observing several P-38s in a dog fight with German FW-190's at 7 o'clock high. P38s were flying escort for us on this mission and were doing a good job until we were overpowered with so many ME- 109s. I looked down at 7o'clock level and saw 3 ME-109s approaching perpendicular from right to left just behind our sqdn. approx. 500 yds. out. I reported the enemy fighters to my crew and trained my guns on them. The 3 fighters turned in directly behind our sqdn No. 5 position. As they made their turn, I started firing point blank at the 3 fighters. Other gunners in our sqdn started firing also. The 3 ME-109s were also firing and were able to hit our No. 2 engine since they were coming in directly behind our plane. Two of the German planes were hit and destroyed. Our No.2 engine exploded causing a heavy black smoke trailing our plane. As the engine started burning, the flames were impinging on the left side of our plane burning off the metal exposing the ribs. The bombardier dropped the 10-1000 lb. bombs through the bomb bay doors to prevent them from exploding as fire spread throughout the entire plane. Flames were entering the waist area just ahead of my turret. The front end of the plane, around the pilot, navigator, and radio operator’s area was on fire catching the engineers parachute on fire which means that he could not bail out and of course was doomed to go down with the plane. The copilot was badly burned but was able to bail out before the plane exploded. As the pilot was making preparation to bail out, the engineer pointed out his situation, that he could not bail out, and the pilot returned to his seat and was apparently going to try to land the plane to try to save the engineer, but of course this was impossible. (see exhibit No. 5). The bombardier Macey and the nose gunner Holman (photo 2 1), bailed out the nose wheel opening (see original crew picture for Macey). Earl B. Clark (photo 22 ), who I had met only one week earlier, bailed out just ahead of me from the opening in the bottom of the plane. Earl died when his parachute failed to open. He either hit his head on the edge of the opening, when leaving the plane, and was unable to open his parachute, was shot by one of the German fighters, or delayed opening his parachute too long to prevent being seen from the ground and did not have time to pull his rip cord. I understand that Clark was buried after the war in a military cemetery in Belgium.
Chapter 6
My 6th Mission Ends 23,000 Feet Over Hungary
As pointed out above, as the 3 ME-109's approached our plane, two were hit and were burning as 2 of them pulled up and one pulled down under our plane. I could see our tracers hitting the fighters. When it was evident from the condition of our plane that we had to bail out, I left my unit, picked up my parachute which I kept just outside the turret, and snapped it on my harness. In haste, I noticed that I had put the parachute on, requiring the rip cord to be pulled from the left side. Not having bailed out before and not being familiar with the force required to open the parachute, I stood over the opening with fire in the area, and changed the parachute so it could be opened with my right hand. This has dealt me some problems over the years knowing if the plane had moved suddenly, I would have dropped the parachute through the opening which means that I would have gone down with the plane also. The bailout procedure through this opening was to squat down on the leading edge facing the rear of the plane, holding the parachute with both hands, and roll out. After I cleared the plane, I threw both hands up to position myself in the upright position before opening the parachute. We were flying at 23,000 ft. when we were hit. I opened my parachute immediately after jumping, and, when descending, I could see several fighters in the area and was concerned about being hit by one of them. However, most airmen observe the unwritten rule not to shoot at another enemy airman who had to bail out of a disabled plane. I saw our plane descending, on fire and explode before hitting the ground with 2 crew members still inside--Klein and Morrow. At the altitude we were flying, it took about 15 min. to reach the ground, so I was trying to pick a spot to land and to see what I was getting into when I did land. It is difficult to keep from swinging back and forth while descending, but it can be controlled by pulling on the shrouds. When hitting the ground, I hit hard and rolled forward to prevent injury.
The first crew member I saw after landing was William Lewis (exhibit No.4), waist gunner. He had hit his head on the trailing edge of the opening when jumping out and was bleeding badly from the wound. A Hungarian civilian was bouncing a bicycle up and down on his chest. I was fortunate in getting the bicycle episode stopped and bandaged his wound with a bandage from my first-aid kit attached to my parachute harness. Lewis was given further treatment in the small town of Papau. I also saw Earl Clark lying on the ground. When approaching him, I saw that his parachute had not opened, and only a small section of it was sticking out of its covering which I am sure bounced out when he hit the ground. The German guards would not let me examine Clark closely.
When I first landed, I landed on a small farm near the small town of Papau, Hungary, which was adjacent to the airfield where the ME-109s took off from that shot me down. I landed near two farmers and a small boy working near a haystack. When the civilian farmers saw me, they immediately helped me get my parachute off along with my heavy flying clothes and 45 cal. pistol. Since it was August, it felt good to have only my flying coveralls on. The farmers hid all of my other clothes in the hay stack. Since I could not talk to them, we were doing a lot of sign language. They seemed very friendly and eager to help me and, as it turned out, they saved my life. Looking back, I believe that the farmers were with the underground and would have possibly helped me to escape back to Italy. However, shortly after they had hid my clothes, several Hungarian civilians ranging in ages from 16 to 50 arrived on the scene and proved not to be very friendly at all. They all carried rifles and were very abusive. The German military, I found out, trains civilians to assist in capturing airman who have been shot down who then turn them over to the military. Since the civilians saw me floating down in my parachute they were looking for my equipment, especially my 45 pistol. After finding my equipment, without the aid of the farmers, they became very rough, kicking me to the ground and pointing the rifles at me. They showed me pictures of women and children, possibly family members that we had killed on previous bombing missions in the small town near the airfield. At that time, they hit me with their rifle butts and motioned for me to take off while pointing their rifles at me. Not being able to understand, the two farmers grabbed me and prevented me from leaving. Thinking about it later, I feel that if I had started to leave as ordered, they would have shot me for trying to escape. So, I feel that the farmers, by keeping me from leaving, saved my life.
I cannot blame the civilian group for being angry with me since so many of their family members had been killed in the past by Allied bombing raids. I am sure that I would have taken the same action had I been in their position.
Chapter 7
I Am a Prisoner of War
Shortly after I was being prevented from leaving by the two farmers, German military personnel arrived and took control of me and other crew members as POW's. We were placed in the back of a truck and transported to the small town of Papau, where I saw Lewis getting treatment for his head injury. He was lying on the ground with his head in a girl's lap and she was fanning him with a piece of paper. I also saw several other airmen from other planes being brought in from areas where they had landed by parachute.
Fourteen planes were lost on this mission from which the majority of surviving airmen were brought to this small town in Hungary.
The following statement, taken from The European Story, Packet No. 8, American Ex-Prisoners of War, p6, pretty well sums up our situation at this particular time. "When the unfortunate day came for the typical A.F. Kriegie-to-be (prisoner of war), he found himself in an aircraft disabled by fighters or flak, frantically checking his parachute harness. Never having made a practice jump did not hinder him for a moment, for there was something sinister about burning metal and feathered propellers. If he was over enemy territory he would most certainly be received by at least one armed German. Quite abruptly he became a prisoner of war."
After each mission, when planes are returning to the base, intelligence reports are gathered from the returning crewmen concerning the planes and airmen who were shot down on that particular mission. The following statement is from The Fight'n 451 Bomb Group, p-34. "The group was attacked by about 50 fighters near Lake Ablation and stayed with us for about 20 min. Wet Dream, (726th) ( my plane) was hit hard by the enemy planes and exploded killing three crewmen. " "There were a lot of empty bunks that night, and a lot of silent stares at the empty hardstands (aircraft parking areas) around the base."
The following eye-witness reports were taken from The National Archives in Maryland by Al Grashko (Al was also a POW and was in my room, Room 6, Barracks 8, Compound C, Stalag Luft IV, near the Baltic Sea in Northern Germany). (see exhibit No. 5).
2nd Lt. Roman J Whiting, intelligence officer 726 sqdn. gave the following intelligence report on "I, 2nd. Lt. Roman J. Whiting, 0-712715, was navigator in the No. 2 airplane of the No. 3 flight of our formation on 22 August 1944, on a bombing mission over the Lobau oil storage installations near Vienna, Austria. At approximately 1005 hours at 47 degrees 151 N, 17 degrees, 18'E, our formation was attacked by approximately (30) FW 190s of a light blue color. The enemy aircraft fired upon Lt. Valerian E. Klein, flying No. 6 position our flight in aircraft No. 42 - 51300 "Wet Dream". His No. 2 engine began to burn and he flew off to the left a mile and a half from our formation. I saw an explosion and two parachutes blossomed out, then there was another explosion, and 2 more parachutes came out. There was still another large explosion and the tail section separated from the rest of the airplane, simultaneously I saw four more parachutes. Then the airplane went fluttering down without a tail section and in flames, a complete torch. The weather was about three-tenths covered with scattered cumulus clouds at this time." (see exhibit No. 6).
This is a Statement of Circumstances written by Albert L. Roemer 1st Lt. Intelligence Officer 726 Sqdn.
"On 22 August 1944, 2nd Lt. Valerian E. Klein, 0-819407, was pilot of a B-24 type aircraft, AAF Serial No. 42-51300, Wet Dream, on a bombing mission over the Lobau oil storage installations located at Vienna, Austria. At approximately 1005 hours at 47 degrees 15'N, 17 degrees 18'E in Hungary, enemy fighters attacked his formation and severely damaged his airplane. The airplane pulled off the left of the formation and four distinct explosions were seen before the airplane went down totally destroyed. Approximately 8 or 9 parachutes were seen. In view of the fact that there were 9 men aboard the aircraft, there is reason to believe that several, if not all of, the crew-members landed in enemy occupied territory. It is the opinion of the undersigned, based upon interrogation, that there is a possibility that all members of this crew are either prisoners of war or evaders." (Note: 3 of the 9 crew members were killed). (see exhibit No. 6).
Individual Casualty Questionnaires from other crew members can be reviewed as exhibit No. 7.
My Mother was not notified by the War Department that I was missing in action until September 4th, 1944, when she received the following Western Union message from the Secretary of War.
"The Secretary of War desires me to express his deep regret that your son Corporal Morris P. Barker has been reported missing in action since twenty two August over Hungary. If further details or other information are received you will be promptly notified. Signed, J.A. Ulio, The Adjutant General (This and other Telegrams can be reviewed in this report.)
While other airmen were being captured in and around Papau and brought into the area, and in order to maintain control of all captured personnel, we were placed in small buildings around the area with a German Guard standing outside the door. We were beginning to realize that we had lost our freedom which was a big change in such a short time for a 19-year-old. I was placed in a shed with a 2nd Lt who seemed very anxious about what was going to happen to us next. I was very tired and also anxious and tried to rest, but getting rest when expecting someone to knock on the door at any minute for the next sequence as a new POW was impossible. At this point, we were given some black bread and water. I was able to see my bombardier, Lt. Richard F. Macey for a short time at the Papau collection point before departing for Budapest. Lt. Macey told me to tell the Germans during interrogation that I was a Staff Sergeant in order to get all the privileges of a non-commissioned officer while in prison camp, which I did. The next time I saw Lt. Macey was in Miami Beach, Florida, after being liberated and returned to the states. I appreciate the authority he gave me to make the rank change. After all the uncertainties of the first day as a POW, and after jumping out of a burning plane knowing 3 of your crew members had been killed by enemy fire, I think we all held up well.
After being still shaky from this most recent experience, we were transported by train the afternoon of 8/22/44 from Papau to Budapest, which was the nearest military installation, for questioning. Papau is located approx. 75 miles WSW from Budapest. We were marched to the train station by German Guards carrying machine guns and rifles. We were ordered to enter the railway car and were ordered to sit on one side of the car. The guards sat across the aisle with their weapons. The trip from Papau to Budapest was very depressing since realizing that just a few hours earlier we were in the safety of our own base and tents and now were riding across an unfamiliar area, which was very dark, since we left late in the afternoon and were on the way to our first prison.
Chapter 8
My First Prison – Budapest, Hungary
There were very few lights that could be seen since these areas are in a blackout state to prevent bombing from allied aircraft. We arrived in Budapest the next morning (August 23, 1944) at the East Station which is the main station in Budapest. (Photo No.23 shows the station as it was in 1944 and as it is still today). Mary and I have been privileged to visit Budapest on two occasions during the past few years and took a train out of the station on both occasions.
After arriving at the station, we were loaded into the back-end of trucks with guards riding with us. As we drove through the city crossing the Danube River on the bridge shown in Photo No. 24, we observed Budapest to be in a very depressed state after several years of German occupation. Very few people were on the streets, other than armed German Military personnel. Building windows were boarded up due to damage from allied bombings, with bricks and debris scattered throughout the area. Today, Budapest is a very beautiful city in contrast to what we saw in 1944. In 1982 and 1987, Mary and I covered the city extensively and found it to be one of the most beautiful places in Europe (Photo No. 24 shows part of the city).
After crossing the bridge, we traveled several miles in the truck through narrow streets and finally arrived at a prison surrounded by thick high walls and with heavy steel gates guarding the entrance. As the gates were opened, we entered into a strange environment of total confinement. It was a very old prison with a hanging gallows located in the courtyard in front of the main building. There were three other buildings inside the prison walls from which we heard screams several times during the day and night. We were later told that these buildings housed Jewish women awaiting transfer to camps such as Auschwitz near Krakow, Poland or to Dacau near Munich, Germany. Subsequently, the old prison was destroyed and a new one built on the same location as shown in Photo. No25. After several inquiries of older citizens in Budapest who remembered the old prison, we were able to get a taxi driver to take Mary and I out to the new site in 1982. 1 was hoping the old prison still stood and that we could visit inside to see the cell in which I spent some time.
On August 23 as we entered the prison, we walked up 2 or 3 steps into the main building into a hallway approx. 25 ft. wide and 100 ft. long. Just above this area there was a balcony surrounding the hallway lined with several armed German guards. There were about 50 POWs. We were told to raise our arms at which time we were searched. Watches, rings, billfolds, and other valuables were taken. I was fortunate that I was able to conceal my High School ring which I later traded for food with one of the guards. I was somewhat concerned about this later since punishment in the form of prolonged solitary confinement could have resulted. After we were stripped of valuables, we were each placed in a small cell that first night and remained in solitary confinement for 2 or 3 days. This action was to make us more vulnerable for interrogation. The cell was small with a small window covered with bars located in the steel door about head high. A straw-filled mattress was on the floor and there were no lights. Nothing but loneliness when the cell block doors were closed. However, this lasted only a short time.
Each morning, the guards would pass ersatz coffee and a small loaf of bread to last the day. In the evening, we received the second and last meal for the day, a bowl of soup. We heard sirens each night but experienced no bombing of the city by our planes.
We were taken out of our cell one at time, up to the second floor of the prison for interrogation. Interrogation was handled by a German Luftwaffe officer seated behind a small desk. This officer spoke excellent English, offered me a cigarette, and had brought out a bowl of red beans and a piece of bread which was very good. As I ate the food, he would ask me questions about my Bomb Group, what mission we were on, and what type bombs we were carrying. However, we were only permitted to give our name, rank, and serial number. Their intelligence group had already given the officer the answers to all his questions, I am sure, since he did not press for answers. After interrogation, I was taken to a larger cell which contained approx 10 other prisoners. This is where I met Joseph Greskamp of Indianapolis, Indiana among other prisoners who had been shot down on August 22 or 23. Joe had been shot down on his 50th and last mission. Joe was not in my BG but we became good friends and were together in prison and on the so-called Death March for 9 months. Joe was in the 2nd BG, 96th Sqdn. also near Foggia. I have seen Joe on two occasions since prison camp; once at Miami Beach in 1945 while we were on furlough and I saw both Joe and his wife Mary Ellen, as I was coming through Indianapolis from Akron on a business trip in the 1970s. Joe married in August 1945, and celebrated his 50th wedding anniversary on August 13, 1995.
After interrogation and being in the larger cell for two or three days, we were allowed to spend a short time out in the prison yard each day. I can recall how good the sunshine felt each time we were allowed to go out. It was on one of these outside trips that a group of us were told by a guard that Hitler had ordered all American Airmen killed. This of course, added to our fear that we may never again be free, but, fortunately, did not occur.On another occasion when we were outside, a civilian worker in the prison talked to some of us about trying to escape, join the underground, and try to get back to Italy. After giving this some thought, we were of the opinion that this would be too risky and the Hungarian Partisans who would be attempting to get us back would be taking a big risk also. The distance, and the mountain range in Yugoslavia we would be required to cross, made this possibility remote in our minds. We had also been told that if an operation of this type put the Partisans in any jeopardy, slowing them down or possibly causing them to be caught by the Germans, that the American would be killed in order to protect themselves. This was another barrier that influenced our decision.
After we had been in the Hungarian Prison for several days, we were told that we would be going to a POW camp in northern Germany on the Baltic.
Chapter 9
Journey to My Second Prison
We were taken from the prison by truck to a large warehouse manned by Luftwaffe intelligence. This was in a more populated area of Budapest. After arriving at the warehouse, we were met by a woman approx. 30 years of age. She was responsible for returning envelopes containing our personal property that was taken from us at the prison. The woman spoke good English and said she was from Houston, Texas, and was in Germany when the war started and was not allowed to leave.
We were then taken back across the Danube River to the railway station by truck and guarded by 3 Luftwaffe pilots who were on rest leave and were escorting POWs. After arriving at the RR yard, we waited several hours before being loaded on a small 40-8 boxcar. There were about 10 or 15 in each car, with prisoners in one end and guards in the other. We had straw to sleep on for the trip, which, if I remember correctly, took about 1O to 12 days to make from Budapest to the Baltic. It was interesting to see how they handled switching of the RR cars in Europe. The tracks are narrow gauge and the switchmen would place a V shaped piece of metal on the tracks that fit over the rail where he wanted the car to stop. If the cars were coming to fast, the steel V shaped apparatus would slide until it used up all the momentum.
We were glad to be leaving Budapest and the Luftwaffe pilots were more relaxed with us than some of the other guards that we had had. Shortly, we were outside Budapest sitting on straw in the doorway of the RR car, watching the countryside go by. As we entered Czechoslovakia, we noticed large areas of manufacturing plants along the tracks which I am sure were manufacturing military machinery. As soon as it turned dark, we tried to get some sleep on the straw, however, the movement of the train and knowing that we were subject to being strafed or bombed by our own planes did not allow much sleep.
The trip was uneventful until we reached Vienna, Austria. We saw evidence of bombing in and around Vienna near the tracks where boxcars had been burned and tracks torn up and repaired. RR yards are frequent targets of the air force, so we were concerned about being bombed since it is difficult to know just where POW's are all of the time. When we arrived in Vienna, our train was pulled off the main line onto a sidetrack. The guards left the boxcar and locked it. The marshaling was adjacent to a park or amusement center that had been closed because of the bombing and other war activities. We could look out the small opening at the end of the boxcars and see a large Ferris wheel that had been bombed and part of the top section of the wheel had been damaged We later learned that this was the world’s largest Ferris wheel. Instead of seats, the wheel had what appeared to be large rooms where people rode holding 25 to 30 people each. The Ferris wheel which stands today, 50 years later, contains l4 of the large rooms (see photo 26). Mary and I saw the wheel on a return trip to Vienna in 1987. Also, as we sat on the RR siding, we could see the steeple of St. Stephens Cathedral, which appeared to be in the center of the city. In 1944 the cathedral was bombed by allied bombing and almost destroyed. The roof was completely destroyed and had fallen to the floor. Photo 26-A shows the Cathedral as it appeared from our hotel window in 1981, after being rebuilt. We remained in our boxcar all day in Vienna. Later in the day, we were moved to another track making up a train that would take us north. We were given some bread and ersatz coffee. The boxcar door was left open so we were able to observe workers switching cars in their primitive way and tried to talk to some of them. The railway yard was very active moving German military supplies. Later that day we departed Vienna with only one guard. The guard was an older man who spoke good English and told us that he was a graduate of the University of Wisconsin. He had returned to Germany after graduation and was required to serve in the German army. As we traveled out of Vienna, north, through small towns we could see evidence of our bombing raids. Bomb craters, bombed marshaling yards and other railway equipment that had been damaged.
After leaving Austria, we entered Moravia, which is now part of Czechoslovakia. We also skirted Bohemia on the east, which is also part of Czechoslovakia in which Prague the capital of Czech. is located. Crews were repairing damage all along our route. The closer we got to the Baltic the colder it got at night. However, with the straw and blankets we made it ok. Our travel north took us through Brunn (Brno) Moravia. The second day out of Austria we arrived at Breslau Germany approx. 200 miles due north of Wien (Vienna). After a short stay in Breslau we headed north again and found it difficult to sleep with the boxcar swaying and an occasional wailing of the trains steam whistle realizing that we were getting further from familiar surroundings.
It was difficult to think what the next day would bring; riding along on this train-we could be strafed by our own fighter planes, not knowing that we were inside the unmarked cars. Or the out of date trains and poorly maintained tracks could result in disaster.
The next leg of the trip toward our POW camp from Breslau took us across the western tip of Poland. The next major city that we went through was Poznan (Posen), Poland, 140 miles due east of Berlin. Posen was an industrial and mining center. As we left Posen and headed northwest back into Germany the area more depressing with the RR tracks lined with tall pine trees as the train moved through the small towns of Pomerania located in east Prussia in the northeastern part of Germany. This area is currently under the rule of Poland (1946). Because of our travels in a northerly direction, even the days were becoming colder, a hint for what we were in for during the winter of 1944-45 on the Baltic. On one occasion, our car was uncoupled from the train and left standing on the main track while the rest of the train went on. This was during the night and when daylight came the car door was opened. Everyone was removed from the boxcar and told to push the car off the main track onto a siding. After a short time we proceeded on toward our destination.
We were now 100 miles from our final destination where we would spend the next 6 months.
Chapter 10
My Second Prison – Keifheidi, Germany
We arrived at Keifheidi, Germany at a small station located inland approx 25 miles south of the Baltic Sea. When the boxcar doors were opened shortly after daybreak we were told to unload by a Luftwaffe Officer who informed us that he would be escorting us to Stalag-Luft 4 (Airmen's Camp No 4). Stalag-Luft 4 was actually located at Grosstychow a short distance from Keifheidi. After getting into formation, we marched to our prison camp about one mile away. The date was September 4, 1944. At this point we had been prisoners for 14 days. The camp received its first prisoners in April 1944, but was never completed although 10,000 prisoners were imprisoned there. The camp was constructed in a forest clearing about one mile square, and was divided into 4 separate areas identified as A, B, C, and D Lagers. The camp was surrounded by heavy foliage and pine trees which was a natural barrier preventing escape. Two 10ft. high barbed wire fences, approx 50 ft. apart, with barbed wire rolled up between them, surrounded the camp. Fifty feet inside the two 10ft. high fences was a warning rail 2ft. high. We were warned that anyone stepping inside the 2ft high rail would be shot by the guards from one of the guard towers around the fence perimeter. The guards were equipped with machine guns and powerful spotlights.
Each camp had a Vor Lager, or area for office work and processing new prisoners, a small hospital, and a delousing area which we were never allowed to use. Each Lager had 10 barracks which included a wash room and a latrine at the end of each barracks. There was no running water in any barracks. Some of the barracks had wooden slat 3-deck beds for straw mattresses, however, our room did not have beds until approx. 2 weeks before we left the camp, on February 6, 1944 on a forced march that lasted 3 months. Each room had a coal stove, a table and bench. Each room was approx. 16ft by 16ft and was designed for 16 prisoners. However, most rooms including ours had 24 men, (see exhibit No.8). Heat was furnished for each room by a coal burning stove.
As we entered the camp for the first time, we were stripped of our clothes and searched at the camp Vor Lager. We were photographed, fingerprinted and given our POW number. My number was 7584. After these formalities, we were marched down the center of the camp to B Lager which was at the end of the camp on the left. POWs who had arrived before we arrived were anxious to see if they could recognize a crew member or friend and were trying to get any war information which would indicate that the war was coming to an end -- but no such luck.
In German, POW's were called "Kriegies" or "Kriegsgefangen" which means prisoners of war. So, the arrival of a new bunch of Kriegies was exciting for the older prisoners as far as news was concerned. As we entered B Lager we were told that all barracks were full so we were placed in small wooden huts we called dog huts that were located between the regular barracks. Each hut was 8ft by 16ft and just high enough to stand up in. Ten men were assigned to each hut, which left very little space to sleep. We were given an armload of straw and we had one blanket each. So we placed the straw on the floor and covered it with a blanket, leaving us with our partner's blanket to cover with. The hut doors were locked at night and the German guards turned dogs loose in the Lager at night creating many bathroom problems with only one tin can in the corner. We were only to be in B Lager until C Lager was completed and then we would move across the road to the new Barracks. All Lagers were the same, 10 barracks, 5 on each side.
My combine partner, Joe Greskamp, and I managed to stay together in the hut and would divide any food we were able to get. We were permitted to walk around the perimeter of the compound inside the warning rail, fully in sight of the guard in the towers. Our food did not vary much. For breakfast we had ersatz coffee. We also were issued black bread coated with saw dust, to prevent the loaves from sticking together while being baked. At noon we had boiled potatoes (2-3 each) and at night a cup of stew made of potatoes, kohlrabi beets and occasionally a piece of meat. Each barracks or hut was required to peel potatoes each day for the day's meal. We had 2 roll calls each day, one in the morning and one about 5:00 PM (see roll call picture). We would line up in long rows, 5 deep and the guards would count us to determine if anyone had escaped. Those who were late for roll call always got a rifle butt up beside the head by one of the guards. Fortunately I was always on time. However many were hit who were slow because of illness usually malaria which was very common for prisoners out of Italy. Allied Airforces, through intelligence reports, had a pretty good idea where all POW camps were located. However, to keep our camp from being bombed at night, we were required to place shutters over barracks windows. This hardly seemed necessary since each room was lighted with one bulb, usually 15 W hung from the ceiling. However, where weather conditions allowed, we could hear British planes fly over our camp at night on their way to major military targets on the Baltic such as submarine bases at Swinemunde or naval bases near Kolberg only 30 miles north of our camp.
As the nights grew colder, sleeping on the crowded floor in our hut without lights or heat became miserable. Also in our hut were Al Gorashko, John Sperniak, Bill Holman and others.
One night as we were waiting for roll call we were standing in front of our hut when 3 German FW 190s flew over our camp at tree top level. As the first plane flew over he did a snap roll, pulled up and vanished into the clouds. The second plane did the same thing. The third FW 190 also did a snap roll at tree top level, but was not able to complete the maneuver and crashed in the trees only a short distance outside of our camp. He was so close we could see the flames and hear the ammunition exploding. This was an emotional experience for us and several POW's started cheering and claiming the plane as a kill. Viewing this, the guards in the towers became very angry and pointed their machine guns at us. About 4000 POWs were in B compound at the time. After a few minutes delay, our roll call was completed followed by a terse response from the Compound Commandant which included a warning. Our days were filled with walking around the compound and meeting other prisoners who had similar experiences as our own when they were shot down.
Finally Lager C was completed around October 15th and those in the huts, plus others in overcrowded barracks, would move to C the next morning. Twenty five hundred prisoners would move to C Lager from other areas. We were divided into groups of 20-25 to be assigned to various rooms. Since several of us had been together since August 22, 1944, the day we were shot down, we were trying to stay together. Fortunately, Joe Greskamp and I were able to stay in a group of 24 and were assigned to room 6, barracks 8, of compound C. Since we had no slat beds in our barracks we were again issued an armload of straw which we spread on each of the room and covered with a blanket. There were 12 on each side of the room, just enough room to turn over. I still have an occasional pain in my hips from sleeping on the hard floor for 6- months. We would occasionally fluff up the straw, which did not help too much. We were also issued a cup, bowl, knife, spoon, and fork. (I still have my knife, spoon and fork mounted on a plaque). The fork and spoon have the Luftwaffe insignia stamped on them. On this first day in C Lager, it was getting late so we placed the shutters on our windows. Our lights were off at 10:00 PM each night. Since we missed our noon soup we were given a ration of Red Cross food.
The barracks had a long hall down the center with 5 rooms on each side of the hall, which housed 210-250 prisoners. The barracks were made of prefab wood. In the front part of the barracks were 2 open-hole toilets, on each side of the hallway, to be used while we were locked up at night. Each Compound had a larger outhouse type toilet to be used during the day. The larger outhouse was emptied weekly by Russian women prisoners using a tank type piece of equipment on 4 wheels pulled by oxen. The tank was pumped full of sewer gas and when the sewer gas was ignited a vacuum was created in the tank pulling all waste materials into the tank through a hose. The tank was later emptied outside the camp. During the process of igniting the gas in the tank a very loud boom resulted which could be heard for several miles I am sure. We called the apparatus the V-3 Germany's secret weapon. At times a truck or tractor would enter the compound, which because of the shortage of fuel in Germany, used wood chips for fuel. Wood chips were placed in a sealed cylinder on the running board of the vehicle. When the chips were set on fire a gas resulting from the burning wood was created, piped into the engine, which reacted as fuel, therefore running the engine.
Our Lager Fuhrer in charge of our Compound and head of our roll call formations was a tall typical German officer who wore a long black fur lined coat with a Luftwaffe type bill cap. His name was Hauptman (Captain) Weinert. Our camp director (German) was Major Steel. Our American Man of Confidence for C Lager was Francis Troy of Wyoming. He was our contact between American POWs and the German command
I recall seeing 2 doctors while in camp due to infections, Capt. W.E. McKee of Louisville Ky. and Capt. Hysen, Youngstown, Ohio. Our Padres were Rev. T.J.E. Lynch of Aldershot Hawts, England, and Rev Anthony Jackson, Isle of Guernsey.
Since our rooms were subject to inspection at any time by the German guards, we had men assigned to sweep the floor, get coal and bread rations, and peel potatoes. Our routine meals consisted of hot water for coffee or tea before the morning roll call, a cup of hot soup for lunch, and boiled potatoes or barley soup for dinner. This was in addition to one item from a Red Cross parcel each day. On special occasions, such as Thanksgiving or Christmas, we would get one half, or sometimes a whole, parcel. Each day, we got 1/6 loaf of bread to eat with our meals. These loaves were about the size of our standard small loaf, were dark brown, soggy and covered with sawdust.
As stated above, our Stalag Luft 4 was opened officially in April 1944. However, I did not arrive at the camp until September 14. In the summer of 1944 a group of American prisoners were located at Stalag Luft 6, northeast of our camp on the Lithuania border. A Russian offensive threatened Luft 6, and the Germans did not want the prisoners located there liberated. So, approximately 1000 American POWs were loaded on a ship for evacuation to Luft 4, our camp. They were forced to stay in the hold of a ship for several days shackled in twos since it was a 100-mile trip along the SE shore of the Baltic Sea to their destination. It was hot and crowded, and the coal ship finally docked in Swinemunde, approx 75 miles west of our camp. The POW's were taken by train from Swinemunde to Keifheidi. After arriving at Keifheidi, the POWs were taken off the train by a redheaded Nazi captain and a group of young German marine cadets, 18 or 19 years of age. As the young marines began to march the POW's they noticed that they had fixed bayonets. They also noticed that there were a group of men with dogs and a group of Black Shirt SS Men in the area. For the first 100 yards they marched at a normal pace. Then a lot of shouting started. They were forced to walk fast then to double time--and as the tempo of shouting increased, coupled with the barking and snarling dogs, they were required to run. Many of the men were sick and could not run too fast. Those on the outside who lagged were slashed with bayonets and beaten with rifle butts and bitten by the dogs. Twenty men were required hospitalization as the results of the wounds, however many of the wounded were not hospitalized because of the lack of medical facilities. The Marines were incited by the German Capt. Pickhardt, the officer in charge of the guards, by being told that American airmen were gangsters and bombed German children and women. Some of the men who fell by the wayside had to be carried by their friends.
Most of our guards were rough and were to be feared. One of our most feared guards was Big Stoop, a large German guard about 6 ft 6 in tall, over 200 lbs and around 50 years old. He would hit the men on the ears with open hands, sometimes rupturing their eardrums. He would also strike men who were late for roll call. I have seen him pick up men slam them against the wall and then let them slide down the wall. I was fortunate in being able to stay away from. At the end of the war, Big Stoop's body was found with his head cut off.
We had a small library in our compound furnished by the International YMCA. Many of us played cards or just walked around the compound.
To supplement our potatoes and soup, we were issued 1/4 Red Cross parcel per week per man. The food was issued one can a day. Each can was punctured to prevent accumulation of food to aid in escape. All empty cans had to be turned in at the gate and counted before any other food was issued. This was to prevent the cans from being used to dig an escape tunnel.
Some guards roamed through the compound and barracks during the day, which we referred to as Goons. They were usually trying to get information or trying to find someone doing something wrong. When we would see them coming we would shout Goons Up, to alert everyone. They got so used to this that sometime they would stick their head in the door and say Goons Up. Some of the guards were older and were glad to be doing this type of work now, because most of them had seen a lot of service on the Russian front and were removed because of their physical condition,
I am sure that there were a lot of celebrities located at our camp or who later became celebrities. One celebrity lived in the room just next to mine. His name was Augie Donatelli, from Bakerstown, Pa. Augie was a National League baseball player and after the war became a well-known National League umpire, working out of the Cleveland area.
We were permitted to write letters and cards home on a limited basis. The letters were form type provided by the Germans. Most of my mail to my folks went through. However I did not receive any correspondence at any time during the 9 months that I was a POW, although my Mother wrote many times. My Mother mailed me several packages while I was in camp, but none were ever received. The letters can be seen in this report. The only letter that I remember getting through to anyone in our room was to David Walsh of Springfield, Mass. This letter was to let him know that his mother had died which was a very sad occasion for him, and in fact for all of us.
There was an informational network throughout our camp that we hoped would keep us informed about the progress of the war. We were never sure about the reliability of the messages, but someone in our camp was reported to have a radio and a messenger would come by each room and try to keep us up-to-date about the position of the front lines. Correct or not, this did help to keep our morale up. This information had to be handled very secretively to prevent being caught by the German guards.
We had as many last mission stories as there were POW's. We shared our bail out and capture experiences on many occasions. One airman who visited our room on occasions was severely injured by being shot in the chest with a 20-mm shell. His crew knew he could not make it back to the base so they put his parachute on him, pulled the handle and pushed him out of the airplane over Hungary hoping he would be found and treated. He was found immediately and taken to a hospital where his life was saved by a group of German nurses donating blood.
We were fortunate that we had one hand-wound phonograph that played 78 RPM records. It was passed from room to room over a period of time. I can remember only one record that we had and that was Oklahoma. But, we enjoyed it when it was our time for the phonograph.
The Germans were continually doing things to strengthen discipline and create fear throughout the compound. In October 1944 we had a special roll call where everyone was called out into the center of the compound by the guards. As we were standing around, without warning, the guards in the towers started firing their machine guns into the barracks and compound, narrowly missing some prisoners. The barracks were riddled and many of the rooms damaged.
Our camp being located in northern Germany on the Baltic Sea, it was very cold and we received a lot of snow due to the moisture from the sea. Although it was very cold in our barracks, and there was never a night or day we were completely warm, our guards suffered greatly throughout the night in the open guard towers around the camp. We could hear them stomping their feet at night just to keep the circulation up to prevent frostbite. Many of the guards were old and had seen a lot of combat service on the Russian front where they had been injured. Some had received prior frostbite damage to their feet during the 900 day attack on Leningrad.
Our first Christmas in prison camp (1 944) was a sad time for all of us as we thought about our families back home, and how they must feel about us being prisoners in a land far away and not knowing about our safety. I was not aware that my Mother had received word that I was a prisoner since I did not hear from anyone until I returned to the states in June 1945.
For Christmas each person in our camp received a full Red Cross Parcel which was great. Also, the gates between C and B Lager were opened and we were allowed to visit between the two compounds. Since all my friends were in Lager C, I do not recall crossing over into B Larger. We were getting some news on how the war was progressing in January 1944 which excited us since the skies had cleared on the western front and Allied planes were able to start bombing again. Around the middle of January we got the word that our food supplies were being cut because of transportation difficulties -- the Russians were advancing from the east cutting off the supply lines. We also heard that the Russians were driving west through Prussia in the direction of our camp. If this was so, our camp would be liberated before long and the war would be over for us.
Further proof that the Russians were advancing is that we could hear cannon fire from miles away and an occasional small arms fire. We even thought we could see a difference in how the Germans were treating us since they needed our support when the Russians arrived. The Germans feared the Russians severely since they had performed so many atrocities on the Russians when invading their country and on their drive toward Leningrad and other Russian areas. The Germans had surrounded Leningrad with a 900 day siege on that city killing thousands of Russians and reduced those who were left to human skeletons who were boiling leather harnesses and drinking the water from this act to get what nourishment they could from the liquid.
Because of the Russians advances, other POW camps east of our camp were evacuated because the Germans did not want the prisoners located in them liberated. The Germans had hoped that they could be used in the end of the war negotiations with the allied forces. A group of these prisoners stopped at our camp for a rest period as the Germans marched them west. They were in severe physical shape. They appeared to be Polish or Russians. It was very cold and snow covered the ground. Some of the prisoners were wounded and were using sticks to support themselves. They were placed in another compound nearby. We were told that some of them were left back at their camp to die since they were too weak to walk. The Russian prisoners were pulling sleds and were almost crawling on the ground because they were so weak. We could see them tearing the wooden shutters of the windows to start fires with, not caring if they were shot or not. Since they were in an area near our Lager, some of our men tried to throw them cigarettes and pieces of bread when a tower guard started firing warning shots almost hitting one of the men from our room. They stayed at our camp a few more days and moved on, while some were left on the barracks floor, too weak to get up.
Since we could hear heavy howitzer fire from miles away, and what we thought was small arms fire, we knew that liberation would be eminent. However, this was not to be.
Chapter 11
Death March – Eighty Six Days On the Road
On February 4, 1945, the Commandant of our Lager entered our barracks, and, through his interpreter, ordered everyone into the hallway. He told us that he had just received orders to evacuate the camp which meant that we would not be liberated as we had hoped and looked forward to for the past week. The evacuation meant that we would be marched west to prevent the Russians from liberating us. By this act we knew that we would be prisoners until the end of the war, and would be used for negotiating purposes.
The Commandant also told us that he knew that the march would be cold since we would be sleeping in barns at night but that we had no other choice. He stated that we would be leaving the camp early on February 6, which would give us one day to prepare for the march. The critically sick were to be left behind in the hospital and we assumed that they were liberated since we did not see them again. Some left by boxcar and were shipped to other camps where space was available.
On February 5, 1 made a backpack out of an old jacket by folding the bottom up and stitching along the sides. Shoulder straps were made of narrow strips of cloth. The pack was to be used to carry a Red Cross parcel we were told we would get as we left the camp plus any food we might be able to get along the way.
Three days before we left on February 6, three thousand of our 10,000 POWs were crowded into 40 and 8 boxcars (meaning 40 men or 8 horses) and sent to another camp. Most of these were sick or wounded who could not walk. Early on the morning of February 6, we were fed barley soup, lined up in front of our barracks and counted. We were not aware of what we would be confronted with during the next 86 days that we would be marching. During this time, we marched approx 700 miles or 1200 kilometers. The morning we left Stalag Luft 4, the temperature was 20 deg. F, and the snow was ankle deep to knee deep in drifts.
Six thousand POW's marched out of the gate that morning which created a serious logistic problem for the Germans, and, more importantly, for us as we headed west staying ahead of the Russians. As we left the front gate we were given a food parcel and were told that we could have 2 if we wanted. Joe and I took two each and kept what we wanted out of the second parcel since it would be impossible to carry two. In fact, for the first 2 or 3 miles food was scattered along the road that we could not carry. I am sure the German people living in the area picked it up.
We were all weak and had fear of getting sick along the road, as many did, due to the lack of food for the past 6 months. According to one of our camp doctors, Dr. Leslie Caplan, who was on the march with one of the groups, stated that our rations from the Germans during the march equaled to 1300 calories per day. Dr. Caplan appeared before the War Crimes Board in 1948 and in his testimony before this Board stated, That 1300 calories is far less than the minimum required to maintain body weight, even without the physical strenuous activity we were compelled to undergo in the long marches. The 86 day march was classified as the Death March of 6000 POWs from Germany's Stalag Luft 4 in the brutal winter of 1945 (see Dr. Caplan's report).
On the march we were strung out in groups of 500-600 at first. These groups were decreased in size as we continued, primarily due to the difficulty in finding enough barn space for us to stay in during the night. The groups became smaller also due to illness and death.
Additional guards were brought in to supplement the Luftwaffe . We marched down the middle of the road and the guards would march on the outside carrying machine guns and rifles. The guards, at the rear of the column, had guard dogs that could be used in the event of an attempted escape. The guards were arrogant and constantly demanding that we stay in line and would yell, Alus Righten, when a truck or some other type vehicle needed to pass our column. Some of our guards were older German soldiers who had been in combat for years and were tired with frostbitten feet, and became more compassionate as the march progressed. The men from our room tried to stay together but found this impossible for the entire time. We would get a rest break about every two hours and sit on the side of the road while being watched closely by the guards. After awhile it became more difficult to get up and start again.
The first day we marched 18 miles, and it was after dark when we arrived at our first barn near Stolzenburg; among many we would stay in during the next 86 days. The guards opened the door of the barn and everyone rushed in trying to find a resting place for the night. The barn was so crowded with POW's (500-600) that we had to sit up and sleep. The doors were locked with guards and guard dogs stationed outside the door. Several of the men were claustrophobic and were yelling and screaming most of the night. We slept on straw on straw covered with barn filth or damp due to holes in the roof. Also, every barn was infested with lice, which was a constant problem since we had no way of bathing or delousing.
Each day we continued our march in the snow and cold, usually arriving at our barn around dark. After the groups were reduced to 50-60 men they became more manageable and a more comfortable place could be found to sleep at night.
Usually in the morning before we started marching we had ersatz coffee and black bread At noon we ate whatever we had left from our Red Cross parcel or just a piece of bread since the Germans had no means of cooking along the road. Soon the food parcels ran out and we were reduced to 2 meals a day. At night the guards would get potatoes from the farmers and give each person 3 or 4 and we would build a fire and roast or boil them. Some nights we would have barley soup or just whatever the farmer might have that the Germans could take. Along the end of the march Red Cross food became difficult or impossible to get because of the transportation situation (at this point in the war food was very scarce for both the German military and civilian population which made it very difficult for prisoners to get anything). The American Air Force would shoot at and destroy anything moving along the road or on rails which accounted for a lot of our food shortage. The Germans made a big point of this, especially on nights when they could not arrange anything for us to eat.
When the German farmers harvested their potatoes they would pile them in about 20ft. long rows 4ft. high and then cover them with soil to prevent freezing. On more than one occasion, Joe and I found the pile and liberate a few potatoes to cook or to use in the future. We were kept moving each day with a promise of food and a barn to sleep in each night. Occasionally we would be close to the front lines (German and British) and would be required to march an extra long day just to keep ahead of the troops. And on several occasions we would approach a large city or an area that had been bombed, and the guards would turn us around because the people in the town were angry at Americans because of the bombings. They were afraid we would be attacked or possibly killed by the town's people.
In order to keep the march in perspective, on February 10, we marched 10km and stayed in a barn at Zirkwitz just west of Greifenberg. On the 11th we marched 20 km to Schwirsen where we stayed for 2 days. On Feb. 11, we walked 20 KM to Schwirsen. On the 13th we went through Wallin to Pritter.
One of the worst experiences on the march, I think, occurred on February 14, only 8 days after we left camp. We had marched about 35 km (20 miles) that day in a cold drizzling rain. Many in our group were sick with dysentery and pneumonia and could not keep up and they were placed in an oxen drawn wagon, filled with hay, which followed us. We were approaching the Naval Base city of Swinemunde on the Baltic. The German navy had a large submarine base there. As night approached, we were about 5 miles out of Swinemunde and were told that we could not enter the city and would have to sleep where we were on the ground. We were wet and cold and our blankets were also wet. There were about 30 men in our group. We placed one blanket on the ground and covered with another. Before morning the ground became frozen causing the blanket to stick to it. It was a very miserable night because of the cold wet conditions.
About 10:00 PM that night the British started bombing Swinemunde , which was possibly the reason that we were not allowed to enter. They dropped incendiary bombs first to create fires and light up the target. The British usually bomb on 15-min. intervals with one plane at a time as opposed to our method of mass bombing by groups. The bombing was effective as we saw the next day as we went through the City. The planes went through a lot of antiaircraft fire that night, but we never learned if any were shot down.
On February 15, we proceeded on to Swinemunde and had to cross a small area of water on a ferryboat loaded with rail cars. While going through the town we saw a street sign named Hitler Street. We were still proceeding northwest moving further from the front lines. After a few days some of our group fell behind because of illness, but were kept moving by the guards. We occasionally saw a sick wagon pulled by oxen or horses that would pick up those who could not walk. We assumed that they were taken to the nearest camp that was still in operation. On February 16, we marched 18 mi or 30km and at that point we were doing nothing more than following the man in front of us hoping that soon we would find a resting-place for the night. On the 17th we arrived at Anklam directly east of Swinemunde.
During the march many of our roommates were separated due to illness or other reasons, such as splitting the groups up in order to keep a better watch on us.
From this point on it became difficult to keep up with the date that we would pass through or stay at a certain location. However, the following is the approx route we followed until May 3,1945, the day we were liberated by the British (the approx. route can be seen on the map included in this report.). From Anklam, we continued southwest to Neubrendenburg arriving there March 6. Neubrandenburg is approx 50 KM from Anklam. We were averaging marching (walking would be a better word) approx. 15-18 KM each day. On some occasions we would stay in one area 2-3 nights in the same barn which gave us time for rest and when it became warmer in March and April, time to take a sponge bath from water in the horse trough. We walked northwest to Stavenhagen then on to Tetrow arriving there around March 10. We then proceeded to Bitzow, Wisman, Mecklenburg and Schonberg. On or around March 24, we arrived in Lubek. From Lubek we headed toward Hamburg 75 KM SW of Lubek. On our way from Lubek to Hamburg we went through Oldesioe, Bargteheide, Ahreasburg and Wandsbek. From Hamburg we went to Lauenburg and Luenburg. From Luenburg we went to Bienenbuttel and Ebstorf. We crossed the Elbe River at Hamburg.
In Ebstorf, we were told that we would be going to Stalag XI-B in Fallingbostel by rail. On March 28, around noon, 63 of us were loaded into a 40 and 8 boxcar. It was so crowded that we all could not sit down at the same time. There were 2 small windows on each end of the boxcar on opposite sides. Two of the men were able to tie a blanket between windows and sit in them similar to a hammock. Many of the men were sick and we had 2 buckets for this purpose. We also had two buckets of water for 63 men. During the three days we were on the boxcar, the train did not move the first day. Three days later on March 31, we arrived at Fallingbostel. This was an International camp which included Russians, Polish, Czechs, Turks and Americans from all branches of the service. The camp was in very bad shape with food in short supply. The prisoners from the other countries were not treated as well as American prisoners. This was evident based on the number who died each day. One or two prisoners died each day from dysentery, malaria or malnutrition. We would see the Germans hauling the bodies out in a wheelbarrow to be buried outside the camp. While in Stalag XI-B, I met a friend that I had graduated from high school with at Harrold. His name was Rex Germany. Rex was in the infantry and had been captured several months prior to our meeting. While in this camp, we were told that we would be deloused before we left to continue our march. We were taken down to a large barn looking building where we undressed completely. Our clothes were put in a box, which was placed in a hot steam oven for 30 minutes.
During the 30-minute delousing period, we were allowed to take a shower, the first shower we had taken in about 8 months. After our clothes were deloused, and after a hot shower, we slept the whole night through without scratching.
On April 6, we were told to be ready to move out of Fallingbostel by 1:00 PM. We were issued 1/2 loaf of bread and other food for the trip that was to last for one week. We first walked to Wietzendorf about 12 KM and then to Soltau staying in barns each night. From Soltau we headed NW to Ebstorf, 15 KM and then to Binenbuttel. At this point we were somewhat backtracking our route on our way down to Fallingbostel, however staying in different barns than we had before. In Bienenbuttel, we lost one of our men. There were about 30 of staying in this one barn and one of our men had been sick with severe dysentery and dehydration. When we woke up one morning he was dead. I remember that we placed him on a 4-wheel cart and buried him in the area. I did not get his name, but in talking to some of his friends he was from Wichita Falls, TX. I have often wished that I had written down his name so that I could have talked to his parents after I returned to the states. According to Dr. Caplan's, report to the War Crimes Commission, seven men out of our group alone died on the Death March due to neglect. Out of the 95,000 American prisoners held in Europe, 1,124 died due to injury or neglect of the Germans. Many were killed just after being captured, under orders from Hitler (statistics from POW Museum, Andersonville, Ga.)
Those from our group who died were:
George W. Briggs S/Sgt.
John C Clark S/Sgt.
Edward B Coleman S/Sgt.
George F Grover S/Sgt.
William Lloyd S/Sgt.
Harold H. Mack T/Sgt.
Robert M. Trapnell S/Sgt.
On April 13, 1945, we were told by the guards that President Roosevelt had died on the day before, on April 12. This was a sad day for us since this placed some uncertainties on us and Roosevelt had been our Commander-In-Chief since the beginning of the war.
We proceeded on to Vastorf, Luneburg, Karze, Hohnstorf and back to Lauenburg where we crossed the Elbe River. This was on approx. April 28.
All during this time we were hearing howitzer fire in the distance and occasionally small arms fire. The Germans were treating us better and we were getting more food from the farmers and from the Red Cross. On or about April 28, we heard that the Allied forces, which turned out to be the British, were within 20 KM or 12 miles from our position. We continued our march northeast staying in barns 2 or 3 days at a time because the end was finally near for us to be liberated.
Chapter 12
Liberation
On May 3, 1945, at approx. 10:00 AM, we were in the small town of Buchen when a British officer came up in a jeep and told us that we were liberated and to take the guns from the guards and to take them prisoner. I think the guards were as glad that the war was over for them as we were. Since the war was not actually over until May 8, we were with the front line forces for a period of time and were able to see the ground forces in action. Thousands of Germans were surrendering to the British and were all rounded up near a small town called Gudow. I was able to get several medals, a coat, map bag, a German Bible, and other articles from the German prisoners. Since we were walking, it was impossible to carry many articles.
We were told to return to Lauenburg, and to get there any way possible. Joe and I rode on the back of a motorcycle part of the way and rode in the back of a military truck the rest of the way. We went through several towns that had been completely evacuated by the people of the town since the front lines had been through a short time before. Joe and I went through several houses completely furnished, but everything was thrown out in the middle of the floor due to the concussion from bombing. I recall one pharmacy that was intact that we explored extensively. As we approached the basement we found a polish girl who had been a slave laborer on one of the local farms for several years. Although we could not communicate, we traveled together on our way to Lauenburg. On our route, we could see everything was destroyed, houses burned, bridges bombed, railroads and equipment destroyed. Outside Laurenburg, the road was jammed with German equipment, trucks, tanks, Jeeps, radio communication trucks, guns, artillery pieces, etc. The roads were also jammed with thousands of German POW's. The bridge crossing the Elbe had been destroyed so we crossed on a pontoon bridge.
We proceeded on to Luneburg and were told to go to the British Center for POWs where we signed Registration Cards. Here, we were issued new clothes, deloused and took a shower. The next day, we rode in the back of GI trucks 150 miles to a British Camp. We were put in 10 men tents, and issued straw and blankets. On May 6, we shipped out in trucks again for Emsdetten. On May 10, we were in contact with American forces for the first time. We were placed on C-47s and flown to Brussels, Belgium where we stayed in a railway yard. The trams had just been placed back in service and were very crowded. We went to the city and hung on the outside of the trams going down the middle of the street. While on the trams, we met two British Waffs who showed us the town.
From Brussels we rode a train to Namure Belgium. This was on May 11. On May 13, we left Namur, riding the train all night, arriving at Camp Luckey Strike just outside La Harve, France. The US had several camps located in La Harve used for the purpose of transporting troops back to the United States.
All of the camps were named after cigarettes such as Phillip Morris, Camel, Chesterfield, as well as others. While in Camp Luckey Strike, I ran across our Navigator, Aubry C. Ross who had been shot down after we were. We were in La Harve for about 2 weeks waiting for a ship to transport us back to the US. I can remember every night the US military personnel stationed in La Harve would get 3 or 4 large tables from the Mess Hall, cover them with white table cloths and have a very large poker and dice game.
Chapter 13
Back to the States
On June 5, we sailed from La Harve on the Liberty Ship Sea Robin. During the 6-day trip the sea became very rough on occasions and several became sick. The ship had to be stopped on one occasion, due to the rough weather, for the ship doctor to perform surgery. We arrived at camp Shanks, N.Y. on June 12.
I wired my Uncle Bob who lived in Electra this message, Arrived In U.S. Today. Be home soon. We left camp Shanks on June 13, by troop train and arrived in Ft. Sam Houston, Texas about 3 days later. We were at Ft. Sam Houston only overnight. I arrived in Electra on June 19, and all my family and many friends were there to meet me at the railway station.
I was given a 2 months furlough and left for Miami Beach Florida for a rest period. I lived on the beach in a hotel operated by the military. From Miami Beach, I transferred to Carswell Airforce Base in Ft. Worth, where I was assigned as Records Clerk and Clerk Typist at headquarters, 2519 AAFBU for 2 months. On October 19, 1945, 1 was transferred to Sheppard Field, in Wichita Falls, TX where I remained until discharged from the service on October 23, 1945.
Medals received during my 2 years, 7 months, and 7 days in the service includes the following:
1. Good Conduct
2. World War II
3. Texas Service
4. Air Medal
5. American Campaign
6. European, American, Middle Eastern Campaign
7. POW Medal
See picture included)
My mother corresponded with the parents of some of my crew members. The letters can be seen in this report.
To be sung to the tune of THANKS FOR THE MEMORIES
Thanks for the memories of flights over Germany, across the cold North Sea
With blazing guns we fought the Huns for air supremacy, how thankful we were
Thanks for the memories of ME 109's, of flak guns on the Rhine
They did their bit and we were hit, it ended our good times, we hate them so much
We drifted out of formation, we jumped and what a sensation, our job was done we had our fun
And now we sweat out the duration, How thankful we were.
So thanks for the memories of days we had to stay in Stalag four I say,
With Jerry stew that had to do 'til Red Cross parcel day, how thankful we were.
Morris Barker
Addendum
In December 1948, the Army announced that veterans with prior military service, with a minimum of 60 college hours could be commissioned a 2nd Lt. in the field artillery, under certain conditions. Satisfactory scores on a written test, in addition to passing a physical examination, were required. I made application for this program and received orders to report to Carswell Air force Base in Ft. Worth Texas for testing and to take a physical examination. I was still in college at this time. The semester was to end in January 1949. While at Carswell, I was interviewed by the military and in January 1949, I was notified that I had satisfactorily met all the requirements to receive a commission. Two military personnel came to Stephenville to swear me in as a 2nd Lt. in January. I then received orders to report to Ft Sill Oklahoma on or about February 1949 to begin my training. Mary and I moved everything we owned to Electra in our 1947 Club Coupe Ford. Mary and I went to Lawton, Oklahoma to take a look at the town and camp. Upon returning to Electra, I had a letter from the War Department stating that my reporting date to Ft Sill had been moved back approximately 3 weeks. The letter also stated I had the option to report on the new date or resign my commission. Having completed two years of college at Tarleton in Stephenville and accepted at Texas A&M University, we made the decision to resign my commission and report to Texas A&M in the summer of 1949. I graduated in January 1951 from Texas A&M. One of my friends made the decision to report at the later date and completed his training. I later found out that, as artillery officers, we were to be trained for the Korean War, so I feel that I made the right decision.